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Age: 27
Sign: Scorpio

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Thursday, January 04, 2007 

Current mood:  curious
Published: January 4, 2007, NY Times

BAGHDAD, Jan. 3 — The dictator sat alone in his cell, three years in American custody. His beard had gone gray, his sons were dead and the gallows were being readied.

Saddam Hussein in those final days turned to poetry, so often his source of solace in times of difficulty, inspired by his vision of himself as inseparably tied to those he led.

The poem, "Unbind It," is his rallying call to be sounded from the grave.

It is a mixture of defiance and reflection, but no remorse. No mention of the tens of thousands of lives he was responsible for taking. No expression of guilt or sadness or regret.

The poem, flush with florid phrases that were his trademark, begins with what sounds like a paean to the love between himself and his people, who were about to lose him.

Unbind your soul. It is my soul mate and you are my soul's beloved.
No house could have sheltered my heart as you have.

He moves quickly to more aggressive language. He refers to the foreigners who swept him from power and to the Iraqis who rose to rule here in his place.

The enemies forced strangers into our sea
And he who serves them will be made to weep.
Here we unveil our chests to the wolves
And will not tremble before the beast.

The verses were written by Mr. Hussein after he was sentenced to death and, according to his relatives, are believed to be his last written words.

A handwritten copy of the poem was passed along by the Iraqi authorities to his family in Tikrit, along with his final will and testament, according to Mr. Hussein's cousin Muayed Dhamin al-Hazza.

Mr. Hazza read the poem on the telephone, saying he hoped Mr. Hussein's farewell would underline the manner in which the execution was carried out.

Iraqi and American officials confirmed that a poem left among Mr. Hussein's belongings at the American military detention center was delivered to his family.

In the poem, Mr. Hussein praises those who continue to fight for the Iraqi nation and condemns the "wolves" who have brought ruin through their invasion. He portrays himself as a martyr.

His poetry, like his speeches at decisive moments of his dictatorship, was often obscure, highly alliterative and difficult, even for Arabic speakers, to comprehend fully.

At the height of his power, Iraqis brave enough to discuss the subject would shake their heads at his rambling speeches and convoluted verse. Some would suggest, with glances over their shoulders, that in his efforts to show himself as a scholar of Arab history and literature, he inadvertently revealed some of the darker recesses of his mind.

According to news reports, Mr. Hussein even made gifts of his poetry to his American captors.

Iraqis familiar with his style helped translate his death cell poem. Sections that would have been unintelligible in a literal translation have been interpreted loosely in an attempt to reveal the meaning Mr. Hussein intended.

He is most clear when talking about how he sees himself in light of his impending death.

I sacrifice my soul for you and for our nation
Blood is cheap in hard times.

Mr. Hussein told his official biographer that he cared little what people thought of him when he was alive, but that he hoped to be revered as one of the giants of history — as a Nebuchadnezzar or Saladin — 500 years from now.

He ordered that one in every 10 bricks used in reconstructing the ancient palace at Babylon be stamped with his name or an eight-pointed star to symbolize the eight letters in his name in the Arabic alphabet.

For a man whose vanity was in proportion to his brutality, he appears, from the poem, to have seen himself as dying for a greater good. It was a theme he returned to repeatedly in the courtroom where he was condemned to death for crimes against humanity, telling the judges that he was speaking to history.

Many Iraqis viewed the thousands of portraits of Mr. Hussein erected around the country — in business suits, as warrior, as Arab sheik — as a sort of guidebook to his illusions about himself. Even as his secret police murdered tens of thousands, he sealed himself off with the conviction that he was widely loved.

One of his favorite books was "The Old Man and the Sea," but his style could not be mistaken for Hemingway. No short crisp sentences for Mr. Hussein.

While still in power, he wrote, at least in part, two romantic novels. "Zabibah and the King," which is set in a fanciful Arabia of long ago, tells of a lonely king who, while powerful, feels cut off from his liegemen. He encounters Zabibah and is entranced by her beauty and wisdom. But outsiders soon invade the kingdom, which is described as the cradle of civilization, and Zabibah is raped — on Jan. 17, a reference to the beginning of the Persian Gulf war of 1991.

When the book was released, Central Intelligence Agency analysts reportedly pored over it searching for clues into Mr. Hussein's mind.

But they could just as easily have turned to "The Old Man and the Sea," which Mr. Hussein had first read as a young man in a different prison: "A man can be destroyed not defeated."

In that spirit, he urges his followers to be fierce and noble, saying:

We never kneel or bend when attacking
But we even treat our enemy with honor.

Khalid al-Ansary contributed reporting.

Wednesday, December 13, 2006 

Current mood:  amused

San Francisco Chronicle: http://www.sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?f=/c/a/2006/12/12/MNG8TMU1KQ1.DTL

'Convert or die' game divides Christians
Some ask Wal-Mart to drop Left Behind

--> -->

Ilene Lelchuk, Chronicle Staff Writer

Tuesday, December 12, 2006

Liberal and progressive Christian groups say a new computer game in which players must either convert or kill non-Christians is the wrong gift to give this holiday season and that Wal-Mart, a major video game retailer, should yank it off its shelves.

The Campaign to Defend the Constitution and the Christian Alliance for Progress, two online political groups, plan to demand today that Wal-Mart dump Left Behind: Eternal Forces, a PC game inspired by a series of Christian novels that are hugely popular, especially with teens.

The series by Tim LaHaye and Jerry Jenkins is based on their interpretation of the Bible's Book of Revelation and takes place after the Rapture, when Jesus has taken his people to heaven and left nonbelievers behind to face the Antichrist.

Left Behind Games' president, Jeffrey Frichner, says the game actually is pacifist because players lose "spirit points" every time they gun down nonbelievers rather than convert them. They can earn spirit points again by having their character pray.

"You are fighting a defensive battle in the game," Frichner, whose previous company produced Bible software, said of combatting the Antichrist. "You are a sort of a freedom fighter."

A Wal-Mart spokeswoman said the retailer has no plans to pull Left Behind: Eternal Forces from any of the 200 of Wal-Mart's 3,800 stores that offer the game, including just seven in California. The nearest are in Chico and Redding.

"We look at the community to see where it will sell," said Tara Raddohl. "We have customers who are buying it and really haven't received a lot of complaints about it from our customers at this time."

Clark Stevens, co-director of the Campaign to Defend the Constitution, said the game is not peaceful or diplomatic.

"It's an incredibly violent video game," said Stevens. "Sure, there is no blood. (The dead just fade off the screen.) But you are mowing down your enemy with a gun. It pushes a message of religious intolerance. You can either play for the 'good side' by trying to convert nonbelievers to your side or join the Antichrist."

The Rev. Tim Simpson, a Jacksonville, Fla., Presbyterian minister and president of the Christian Alliance for Progress, added: "So, under the Christmas tree this year for little Johnny is this allegedly Christian video game teaching Johnny to hate and kill?"

Both groups formed in 2005 to protest what their 130,000 or so members feel is the growing political influence and hypocrisy of the religious right.

In Left Behind, set in perfectly apocalyptic New York City, the Antichrist is personified by fictional Romanian Nicolae Carpathia, secretary-general of the United Nations and a People magazine "Sexiest Man Alive."

Players can choose to join the Antichrist's team, but of course they can never win on Carpathia's side. The enemy team includes fictional rock stars and folks with Muslim-sounding names, while the righteous include gospel singers, missionaries, healers and medics. Every character comes with a life story.

When asked about the Arab and Muslim-sounding names, Frichner said the game does not endorse prejudice. But "Muslims are not believers in Jesus Christ" -- and thus can't be on Christ's side in the game.

"That is so obvious," he said.

Left Behind is a real-time strategy and adventure game. Players don't role-play like in Grand Theft Auto -- it's more like the board game Risk than Clue.

Frichner said more than 10,000 retailers -- including Sam's Club, Target, Best Buy, Circuit City, GameStop, EB Games and various Christian stores -- offer the game. He said sales are terrific, though he wouldn't reveal figures.

Protesters are targeting Wal-Mart, where the game retails for $39.96, because it is one of the biggest video game sellers in the United States.

More than 60 million copies of books in the series have sold since the first volume came out in 1996.

Jeff Gerstmann, senior editor at Gamespot.com, an online publication, said the game sn't popular. The game itself, which Gamespot rated 3.4 out of a possible 10, has lots of glitches.

"And it's kind of crazy," Gerstmann said. "One of the evil characters is a rock musician. ... If you get too close to him your spirit is lowered."

But Plugged In, a publication of the conservative Christian group Focus on the Family, gave the game a "thumbs-up." The reviewer called it "the kind of game that Mom and Dad can actually play with Junior -- and use to raise some interesting questions along the way."

Frichner said that is precisely his company's ultimate goal in offering the game: to bring parents and kids together to talk about the Bible. He said most teens are playing video games, so it was natural to turn the books into one.

His business partner, Troy Lyndon, created Madden Football, one of the top-selling sports video games. Left Behind Games Inc. is based in Murrieta (Riverside County).

E-mail Ilene Lelchuk at ilelchuk@sfchronicle.com. --> -->

Thursday, November 30, 2006 

Current mood:  curious

I know I've posted a lot of blogs this week, some certainly more interesting than others, but I just found this article in Slate that I think everyone should read at least once. 

The N-Word: Unmentionable lessons of the midterm aftermath.


There's been something weird about the denouement of the midterm elections, starting with the pronounced absence of Democratic triumphalism. The prevailing mood has been stunned relief rather than glee, and nobody seems eager to delve too deeply into what exactly it was about George W. Bush that the voters so roundly rejected. Put another way, what were the sins included under the shorthand summary for the president's failures, "Iraq"?

For some reason, I keep thinking about an observation Eleanor Roosevelt made in an unpublished interview conducted in May of 1940, as the German Wehrmacht swept across France. She expressed dismay that a "great many Americans" would look with favor on a Hitler victory in Europe and be greatly attracted to fascism. Why? "Simply because we are a people who tend to admire things that work," she said. So, were the voters last month protesting Bush's policies—or were they complaining that he had not made those policies work? If Operation Iraqi Freedom had not been such an unqualified catastrophe, how long would the public have assented to the programs that accompanied the "war on terror": the legalization of torture, the suspension of habeas corpus, the unauthorized surveillance of law-abiding Americans, the unilateral exercise of executive power, and the Bush team's avowed prerogative to "create our own reality"?

Mrs. Roosevelt's example notwithstanding, polite discussion of that question does not contain any derivative of the words fascism, propaganda, or dictatorship. God forbid Nazi or Hitler. The extent to which it is verboten to bring up Nazi Germany has now become a jape. "Can't pols just have little Post-its on their microphones reminding them not to compare anything to the Nazis?" Maureen Dowd wrote in the Times recently, after yet another off-message senator was taken to the woodshed. The ban applies equally to the arena of intellectual debate, such that even the wild and woolly Internet has a Godwin's Law to describe the cred-killing effect of dropping the N-bomb. So, even though it is a truism that we learn by analogy, even though the Bush administration unapologetically practices the reality-eschewing art of propaganda—with procured "journalists," its own "news" pipeline at Fox, leader-centric ("war president") stagecraft, the classic Big Lie MO of, say, draft avoiders smearing war heroes as unpatriotic—we are not permitted to draw any comparisons to the über-propagandists of the previous century. That prohibition is reiterated in the coy caution with which I introduce the topic here.

The taboo is itself a precept of the propaganda state. Usually its enforcers profess a politically correct motive: the exceptionalism of genocidal Jewish victimhood. Thus, poor Sen. Richard Durbin, the Democrat from Illinois, found himself apologizing to the Anti-Defamation League after Republicans jumped all over him for invoking Nazi Germany to describe the conditions at Guantanamo. And so by allowing the issue to be defined by the unique suffering of the Jews, we ignore the Holocaust's more universal hallmark: the banal ordinariness of the citizens who perpetrated it. The relevance of Third Reich Germany to today's America is not that Bush equals Hitler or that the United States government is a death machine. It's that it provides a rather spectacular example of the insidious process by which decent people come to regard the unthinkable as not only thinkable but doable, justifiable. Of the way freethinkers and speakers become compliant and self-censoring. Of the mechanism by which moral or humanistic categories are converted into bureaucratic ones. And finally, of the willingness with which we hand control over to the state and convince ourselves that we are the masters of our destiny.

In America, the word fascism itself has something of the quality of a joke—with its vague, '60s sense of meaning "anything we don't like." But because I've been reading Ian Kershaw's biography of Hitler; Richard Rubinstein's explanation of the Holocaust, The Cunning of History; and various studies of the Third Reich for a book in progress, I've acquired a vivid picture of the real thing. (Before I continue, please insert here whatever disclaimers it takes to stop yourself from listing the ways in which we are not like Nazi Germany.)

The most literal shock of recognition was the repulsively callous arrogance of the term "shock and awe." (The Iraqi people were supposed to pause and be impressed by our bombs before being incinerated/liberated by them?) Airstrikes as propaganda had been the invention of the German Luftwaffe, whose signature work, the terror-bombing Blitz of England, did not awe the British people into submission, either. Then there were subtler reverberations. When Bush's brain trust pushed through its executive-enhancing stratagems, I happened to be reading about brilliant German legal theoretician Carl Schmitt, who codified Hitler's führerprincip into law. (In the Balkans of cyberspace, I discovered, lurked an excellent article by Alan Wolfe detailing how Schmitt's theories also predicted the salt-the-ground political tactics of the Karl Rove conservatives.) When the administration established a class of nonpersons known as the "unlawful enemy combatant," I flashed on how the Nazis legalized their treatment of the Jews simply by rendering them stateless. And then in 2004, the Republicans threatened to override Senate rules and abolish the filibuster in order to thwart the Democrats' stand against Bush's most extremist nominees for federal judgeships. This "nuclear option" (so named by Trent Lott in acknowledgment of his party's willingness to destroy the Congress in order to save the country) struck me as a functional analog of the Enabling Act of 1933, which consolidated the German government under Chancellor Hitler and effectively dissolved the Reichstag as a parliamentary body.

Alas, West Virginia Sen. Robert Byrd made the same connection. When he cited the Enabling Act to admonish his colleagues across the aisle, they hit back with indignation and ridicule and, for good measure, jeered him for having joined the filibuster (led by Lott's hero Strom Thurmond) against the Civil Rights Act of 1964. But that ultimately averted A-bomb proved to be minor compared with the more precise reiteration of the Enabling Act to come. The official name of that 1933 National Socialist masterstroke was the "Law to Remedy the Distress of the People and the Reich," and the distress warranting its transfer of dictatorial power to Hitler was the state crisis provoked by the Reichstag fire the month before. And so it was under the open-ended emergency created by 9/11 that Bush's Military Commissions Act, passed in September, gave the president authority to designate anyone he so deemed, citizen or no, an 'unlawful enemy combatant' and, habeas corpus having been nullified, send noncitizens away indefinitely.

In an interview on MSNBC the day the bill was signed, Jonathan Turley, constitutional law professor at George Washington University, declared the date one of the most infamous in the history of the republic, and amazed at the "national yawn" greeting this "huge sea change for our democracy." Where was the public consternation about this reversal of our founding principles? That interested me more than the brazen coup of the administration—which Carl Schmitt might argue was a categorical imperative. Why had the decent people of the country mounted no serious protest even against something as on-its-face objectionable as the bill's sanction of torture?

Former Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, in a recent speech to an American audience, summarized (in a different context) the formula by which social evil gains mass acceptance: vilification of an enemy (file under fear-mongering) and habituation to incremental barbarities. Evidence of America's proficiency at this dual process is no more distant than the era of Southern apartheid, even if our own state-sponsored racism was a psycho-sociopolitical genocidal purgatory as opposed to a final solution. While we may prefer to believe that the Good German institutions capitulated to Hitler under the black boot of the SS, current scholarship confirms that Nazification, like segregation in America, was largely voluntary, even in the free press.

The Bush-era fourth estate has come up short not only against the Big Lie of "fair and balanced" news but also against its equally cunning cousin: the Small Inaccuracy used to repudiate the damaging larger truth. CBS crumbled under the administration's mau-mauers over Memogate, while Newsweek managed to withstand the hazing it took for its Koran-in-the-toilet item—which, like the substance of Dan Rather's offending report on Bush's National Guard career, was not only accurate; it was old news. But why didn't the national media go on the offensive and re-educate the government, and the public, about the inevitable if regrettable price of a free press? Mistakes will be made in the proverbial first draft of history, and holding reporters to a standard of perfection would inhibit them from performing the vigilance crucial to our democratic system. The media had become so habituated to the paralysis of self-censorship that it took a fake newsman to diagnose their Stockholm syndrome, and when Stephen Colbert acidly chided the journalists along with the president at the White House Correspondents' Dinner in April, the audience was not amused.

The ways our free press has served the powers it was supposed to afflict range from the belabored (Judith Miller's WMD "scoops" in the Times), to the grandiose (Tom Friedman's op-ed manifestos for a new political species: the pro-war-if-it-works liberal), to the perverse (Christopher Hitchens's flogging, in Slate, of a left-wing fifth column so much worse than the Bush-Cheney-Halliburton complex). My favorite editorial pledge of allegiance was a syndicated column by Kathleen Parker welcoming the ministrations of Bush's domestic spies because, hey, she wasn't conducting any phone business more controversial than making appointments to get her highlights done.

We have become such "good Americans" that we no longer have the moral imagination to picture what it might be like to be in a bureaucratic category that voids our human rights, be it "enemy combatant" or "illegal immigrant." Thus, in the week before the election, hardly a ripple answered the latest decree from the Bush administration: Detainees held in CIA prisons were forbidden from telling their lawyers what methods of interrogation were used on them, presumably so they wouldn't give away any of the top-secret torture methods that we don't use. Cautiously, I look back on that as the crystallizing moment of Bushworld: tautological as a Gilbert and Sullivan libretto, absurd as a Marx Brothers movie, and scary as a Kafka novel.

So, is there a new, post-election normal? A recent Google search turned up some impressive, learned commentary comparing the Military Commissions Act of 2006 to the Enabling Act of 1933. A reader congratulated one of the legal scholars, human rights lawyer Scott Horton, for daring to defy Godwin's Law. Perhaps (to switch totalitarian metaphors) we are in the midst of a little intellectual Prague Spring.

Of course, that democratic interlude met a swift and terrible end. If the midterm election was a referendum on nothing more than Bush's competence, then the message the Republicans have gotten is: Next time, make it work.

Wednesday, October 11, 2006 

Current mood:  tired

http://commentisfree.guardian.co.uk/richard_horton/2006/10/post_499.html

 

End the politics of humiliation

Civilians are currently being harmed by our presences in Iraq, not helped.

Richard Horton, Oct. 11, 2006

The figures from Iraq are now confirmed. Nobody believed the Lancet report in 2004 from a group of American and Iraqi public-health scientists who surveyed homes across the country and found that as many as 100,000 additional Iraqi deaths had taken place since the coalition invasion in March, 2003. A raft of government ministers were deployed to destroy the credibility of the findings and, in large part, they succeeded. But now their denials have come back to haunt them.

The same team from Johns Hopkins University worked with Iraqi doctors to visit over 1,800 homes throughout the country. These homes were selected randomly to make sure that no bias could creep in to their calculations. Such a random selection method is absolutely essential if the figures are to be believed.

They identified over 12,000 family members and tracked those who had died over an interval that spanned both pre- and post-invasion periods. The Iraqi interviewers spoke fluent English as well as Arabic and they were well trained to collect the information they were seeking. They asked permission from every family to use the data they wanted. And they chased down death certificates in over four out of five cases to make sure that they had a double check on the numbers and causes of death given to them by family members.

All of these checks and balances mean that the 650,000 additional Iraqi casualties they report since the invasion are the most reliable estimates we have of civilian deaths. Most of these deaths have taken place among young men aged between 15 and 44.

Not only do we have a better understanding of the toll our invasion has had on the country, but we also understand better just how those deaths have come about. Before the invasion only a tiny proportion of deaths were due to violence. But since the invasion over half of deaths are from violent causes. It is our occupation and our continued presence in Iraq that is fuelling this violence. To claim that the terrorist threat was always there is simply disproven by these findings.

The nature of these causes has changed too. Early on in the post-invasion period deaths were made worse by aerial bombing. But now gunshot wounds and car bombs are having a far greater effect. Far from our presence in Iraq stabilising the chaos or alleviating the rate at which casualties are mounting, we seem to be making the situation go from bad to worse. In each year since the invasion took place, the mortality rates due to violence have increased. In the year until June 2006, the mortality rate from violence has increased one-hundred-and-twenty times.

The total figure of 650,000 is truly staggering. It represents 2.5% of the entire Iraqi population. Back in 2004, the Lancet was criticised for publishing a number that seemed to have a high degree of uncertainty. The best estimate then was 98,000 deaths. But the uncertainty meant that it could have been as low as 8,000 or as high as 194,000. But now the measure of uncertainty still shows just how terrible our intervention in Iraq has been.

The lowest possible figure is 400,000 deaths and the highest figure is over 900,000 deaths. Even at our most optimistic moments in looking at these numbers, we have to concede that we have created a humanitarian disaster of unprecedented proportions for a foreign policy that was supposed to protect civilian populations, not subject them to ever-greater harm.

Why is this Lancet estimate so much higher than the figures put out by President Bush or Iraqi Body Count? They put the number of casualties in the tens of thousands, not the hundreds of thousands. To be fair, Iraqi Body Count does not claim to publish accurate absolute numbers of deaths. Instead, their figures are valuable for measuring trends.

But the reason for the discrepancy between these official estimates and the new figure of 650,000 deaths lies in the way the number is sought. Passive surveillance, the most common method used to estimate numbers of civilian deaths, will always underestimate the total number of casualties. We know this from past wars and conflict zones where the estimates have been too low by a factor of ten or even twenty times.

Only when you go out and knock on the doors of families, actively looking for deaths, do you begin to get close to the right number. This method is now tried and tested. It has been the basis for mortality estimations in war zones such as Darfur and the Congo. Interestingly, when we have reported figures from these countries, politicians do not challenge them. They frown, nod their heads, and agree that the situation is grave and intolerable. The international community must act, they say.

When it comes to Iraq, the story is different. Expect the current government to mobilise all its efforts to undermine the work done by this American and Iraqi team. Expect the government to criticise the Lancet for being too political. Expect the government to do all it can to dismiss this story and wash its hands of its responsibilities to take these latest findings seriously.

But if we were talking about the risk of smoking to the population and we published research demonstrating the impact of tobacco on mortality, few would dispute the message or the importance of scientists and medical journals in being actively engaged in a public debate. For Iraq, violence is the public-health priority right now. It is a proper subject for science and it a proper subject for a medical journal to comment on.

So what is the right conclusion from this work? How should this latest research inform public policy? First, Iraq is an unequivocal humanitarian emergency. Civilians are currently being harmed by our presences in Iraq, not helped. That should force us to pause and ask what we are doing and why. There is no shame in saying that we have got the policy wrong. Second, we have a legal obligation under the Geneva conventions to do all we can to protect civilian populations. These findings show that not only are we not adhering to this legal obligation, but also that we are progressively subverting it year on year.

And finally, we can truthfully say that our foreign policy - based as it is on 19th century notions of the nation state - is long past its sell-by date. We need a new set of principles to govern our diplomacy and military strategy: principles that are based on the idea of human security and not national security; health and wellbeing and not economic self-interest and territorial ambition.

The best hope we can have from our terrible misadventure in Iraq is that a new political and social movement will grow to overturn this politics of humiliation. We are one human family. Let's act like it.

Wednesday, October 04, 2006 

Current mood:  worried

William alerted me to this article: http://www.rockymountainnews.com/drmn/local/article/0,1299,DRMN_15_5039230,00.html.

More on Philadelphia and the evils of home fries later.

--> /byline -->
A Denver-area man filed a lawsuit today against a member of the Secret Service for causing him to be arrested after he approached Vice President Dick Cheney in Beaver Creek this summer and criticized him for his policies concerning Iraq.

Attorney David Lane said that on June 16, Steve Howards was walking his 7-year-old son to a piano practice, when he saw Cheney surrounded by a group of people in an outdoor mall area, shaking hands and posing for pictures with several people.

According to the lawsuit filed at U.S. District Court in Denver, Howards and his son walked to about two-to-three feet from where Cheney was standing, and said to the vice president, "I think your policies in Iraq are reprehensible," or words to that effect, then walked on.

Ten minutes later, according to Howards' lawsuit, he and his son were walking back through the same area, when they were approached by Secret Service agent Virgil D. "Gus" Reichle Jr., who asked Howards if he had "assaulted" the vice president. Howards denied doing so, but was nonetheless placed in handcuffs and taken to the Eagle County Jail.

The lawsuit states that the Secret Service agent instructed that Howards should be issued a summons for harassment, but that on July 6 the Eagle County District Attorney's Office dismissed all charges against Howards.

The lawsuit filed today alleges that Howards was arrested in retaliation for having exercised his First Amendment right of free speech, and that his arrest violated his Fourth Amendment protection against unlawful seizure.

 

Currently listening:
Debut
By Björk
Release date: 13 July, 1993
Wednesday, September 27, 2006 

Current mood:  pissed off

Here's the article: http://www.canada.com/nationalpost/news/story.html?id=8379aa1f-2100-4605-9ffd-2177103e8ecd&k=98103

And a review from San Francisco: http://www.culturevulture.net/Opera/Idomeneo.html

Mozart opera cancelled over severed 'god' heads

Berlin opera house fears piece could enrage Muslims

Noah Barkin, Reuters

Published: Wednesday, September 27, 2006

BERLIN - German politicians were aghast yesterday at a decision by a Berlin opera house to cancel performances of Mozart's Idomeneo over concerns they could enrage Muslims and pose a security risk.

The Deutsche Oper announced on Monday it was replacing four performances of Idomeneo scheduled for November with The Marriage of Figaro and La Traviata.

The decision was taken after Berlin security officials warned that putting on the opera as planned would present an "incalculable security risk" for the establishment.

In the production, directed by Hans Neuenfels, King Idomeneo staggers on stage next to the severed heads of Buddha, Jesus, Poseidon and the Prophet Muhammad, which are placed on chairs.

Two weeks ago, Pope Benedict sparked outrage in the Muslim world by quoting, in a speech in Germany, from a medieval text linking the spread of the Islamic faith to violence.

Last year, the publication of cartoons of the Prophet Mohammad in a Danish newspaper sparked violent Muslim protests around the world.

German politicians denounced the opera house's move, with Wolfgang Thierse, the deputy parliamentary speaker, saying it highlighted a new threat to free artistic expression in Germany.

"Has it come so far that we must limit artistic expression?" he asked. "What will be next?"

Wolfgang Schaeuble, the Interior Minister, was also critical.

"We tend to become crazy if we start to forbid Mozart operas being played. We will not accept it," he told a news conference during a visit to Washington.

But Kirsten Harms, director of the Deutsche Oper, defended her decision. She said Ehrhart Koerting, Berlin's top police official, had phoned her in mid-August and warned her of dire consequences if the opera house proceeded with its plan to go ahead with Idomeneo.

"If I had paid no attention and something had happened, everyone would rightly say that I had ignored the warnings," she said.

Mr. Koerting issued a statement confirming the conversation, but saying the decision to cancel Idomeneo had been Ms. Harms's alone. Police have said their concern was prompted by an anonymous phone call in June but they had no evidence of a specific threat.

The Deutsche Oper decision precedes a much-hyped meeting today between Mr. Schaeuble and representatives of the country's Muslim community to discuss ways to improve dialogue and integration.

About 3.2 million Muslims live in Germany, many of them Turks who arrived after the Second World War and helped fuel the country's postwar economic boom.

Fears of Islamic radicalization have increased recently, aggravated by a failed bomb attack on two German trains in July. Two Lebanese students have been arrested and German security officials believe they had help from a radical Islamic network.

© National Post 2006

As a late addition, here's another voice on the subject: http://commentisfree.guardian.co.uk/martin_kettle/2006/09/mozart_is_not_muhammade_enemy.html

Thursday, August 24, 2006 

Current mood:  surprised
Emergency Contraception Win!

Dear Jennifer,

Plan B prevails! Today, after years of foot-dragging, the FDA put politics aside and granted over-the-counter status to emergency contraception for women 18 and older.

This victory is the result of years of pressure from the scientific and medical communities and pro-choice activists, including thousands of Planned Parenthood supporters like YOU. Thank you!

Please take a moment to thank Sens. Hillary Clinton (D-NY) and Patty Murray (D-WA), for their indispensable leadership on this issue.

Then, celebrate this victory by heading down to your local Planned Parenthood health center and picking up a package of emergency contraception to back up your birth control!

This is a huge, long-awaited success but there is still more work to be done. In its announcement, the FDA stated it will not approve over-the-counter sales of Plan B to women under 18. It continues to deny teens the benefits of greater access to emergency contraception.

Our country has a serious teen pregnancy problem. As we all know, anything that makes it harder for teens to prevent unintended pregnancy is bad medicine and bad policy.

What's more, this age restriction means pharmacies will likely keep this safe, effective backup method of birth control behind the counter, forcing all women to ask a pharmacist's permission to access it.

We will continue to work diligently to secure over-the-counter access of emergency contraception for ALL women of ALL ages without them needing permission from a pharmacist.

Thank you for your help in getting us this far!

Sincerely,




Cecile Richards
President
Planned Parenthood Action Fund

P.S. Here's how we got to where we are today (it's been a long road to victory!):

December 16, 2003: A joint hearing of the FDA Nonprescription Drugs and Reproductive Health Drugs Advisory Committees votes 23 to four to recommend that the FDA make Plan B emergency contraception available over the counter.

May 6, 2004: The FDA notifies Barr Laboratories, which manufactures Plan B, that its application for over-the-counter status is denied, citing concerns about adolescent use.

January 21, 2005: In a highly unusual move, the FDA misses its deadline to rule on the revised application. The agency indicates that review of the medication is expected to be completed in the near future but does not specify a date.

July 15, 2005: Sens. Hillary Clinton (D-NY) and Patty Murray (D-WA) obtain agreement from the FDA to rule on Plan B status by September 1, 2005.

August 26, 2005: The FDA announces yet another delay on issuing a decision on the application to make Plan B available over the counter.

July 31, 2006: The FDA announces it will open discussions with Barr Laboratories to make Plan B available over the counter for women 18 and over. The FDA states it will not approve Plan B for over-the-counter sale to young women under 18.

August 24, 2006: The FDA approves over-the-counter sale of Plan B to women 18 and over.

Saturday, June 17, 2006 

Current mood:  cheerful

To paraphrase Dauro (and that Dylan guy), I ain't gonna work on Judy's farm no more!

 

Last day of AGA work has come and gone.  I got muffins and 'squagles.'  Judy, my boss whos in Hong Kong, called me at home Thursday night.  Did she say anything nice?  No, just called to bitch and moan about... sumthun er ruther.  I spent all day repeating the same bullshit about enjoying everything and promising to miss people.  I felt like I was signing the high school yearbooks of people I didnt know and didnt really like.  Fuck it.

 

Now I'm freeeeee!  Had happy hour last night with Holly, Steve, and Keli--some of my favorite work people--along with Felicia and David, then David and I stuffed ourselves silly at Matchbox, mmmmmm.  I'll be going there again.

 

So the plan now?  My first day of work at the new place is July 5th.   On June 21, next Wednesday, I'm flying down to Florida for a week.  If you will be in Florida at that time, drop me a note and maybe we can meet up.  The weekend is pretty filled with Father's Day stuff (by the way, Father's Day is this Sunday, like tomorrow.  Call your dad.  He'll appreciate it), but the rest of the time is still pretty open.  There's a possible trip down to West Palm area, but that is as of yet unconfirmed. 

 

When I get back, my brother may come up to the District, but that also is unconfirmed.   I've discovered that my family isn't great at planning ahead on things that we can put off planning until later.  This tends to irritate people.  Sorry.  However, if anyone still doesn't have 4th of July plans and would like to venture to our Nation's Capitol, you have an open invitation.  Maybe we'll have a barbeque before the fireworks.

 

And, um, that's all for now.  I'm off to watch the Italy-US match and pretend I know something about soccer (are we calling this football now?). 

 

Currently listening:
The Bootleg Series, Vols. 1-3 : Rare And Unreleased, 1961-1991
By Bob Dylan
Release date: 19 August, 1997
Thursday, May 11, 2006 

Current mood:  cynical

Mid-terms are 6 months away, so just register now and you won't have to do it later! 

Courtsey of NARAL, here are a few reasons to vote for people who would actually represent you:

  1. We must block potential anti-choice Supreme Court nominees now that Roe v. Wade hangs by just one vote.

  2. For more than three years, Bush's FDA has refused to allow the "morning-after" pill - a safe and effective way to prevent unintended pregnancy - to be sold over-the-counter.

  3. More than half a billion taxpayer dollars have been spent on ineffective abstinence-only programs since Bush took office.

  4. We need the votes to pass the Freedom of Choice Act so that we never have to fight for the right to choose again.

  5. With only two years left in his term, Bush will use his anti-choice Congress to pass as many anti-choice bills as he can. This is our chance to stop him (and them)!

But really, vote what you believe!  Hold leaders who don't represent you accountable!  Don't let people trample your rights and values because they wirte a 'D' or 'R' after their names!  Remove the problem children from power and find voice that is willing to speak up for you! 

Thursday, April 27, 2006 

Current mood:  hungry

Dissed in Verse

The art of the poetic insult.

By Robert Pinsky
Posted Wednesday, April 26, 2006, at 6:22 AM ET

Some years ago April was declared Poetry Month. Is that a good idea or a bad one? A vulgarizing gesture or a democratic one? Or completely unimportant? As in previous years, Slate will attempt to straddle all sides of this issue: this time, with a little anthology of poems that deliver insults or express personal dislike.

Poetry of bad personal feeling, insult, revenge: It's central to the art. The best-known poem in the category may be Walter Raleigh's epitaph on the Earl of Leicester:

Here lies the noble Warrior that never blunted sword;
Here lies the noble Courtier that never kept his word;
Here lies his Excellency that governed all the state;
Here lies the Lord of Leicester that all the world did hate.

Part of the trick is the bluntness of the last line: the very absence of wit, after the opening sarcastic reversals, constitutes its own kind of wit.

The tradition of poetry as a way of being mean is an ancient one. The inventive range of Greek and Latin put-downs suggests that they were playing variations on a long, rich tradition of barbs and comebacks reaching back into prehistory. Dudley Fitts' Poems From the Greek Anthology includes lyrics of personal derogation like this one, attributed to the Emperor Trajan:

            Lift sunward your considerable nose, 
                                    fling wide th'abyss of yr mouth,
            And you'll make a presentable sun-dial for all who pass by.

The image is unfair, unkind, and funny, like Paul Engle's epigram on the Duke of Alba as painted by Goya:

This is the kind of face that sheep
Must count at night, when they can't sleep.

The Roman poet Martial devised an imaginative put-down, translated in a rhymed couplet by Francis Davison in 1608:

I muse not that your Dog turds oft doth eat;
To a tongue that licks your lips, a turd's sweet meat.

The observation regarding the habits of dogs is sharp, but the rhyme of "eat/meat" is dull. The modern poet (and student of Martial) J.V. Cunningham (1911-1985) comes up with a more interesting rhyme, along with a brilliantly double-edged spatial metaphor:

This Humanist, whom no belief constrained,
Grew so broad-minded he was scatter-brained.

That "broad-minded" and "scatter-brained" are so close in literal meaning, yet opposite in feeling, is funny; that "constrained" is their spatial opposite creates an explosive intellectual energy. The three terms come together in a braininess of composition that slaps the Humanist's bland face.

Cunningham deploys fierce wit. Marianne Moore achieves a similar effect from control of tone: Her dry, precise idiom is a literary version of social agility. Her title is unbeatable:

TO BE LIKED BY YOU WOULD BE A CALAMITY

"Attack is more piquant than concord," but when
   You tell me frankly that you would like to feel
   My flesh beneath your feet,
   I'm all abroad; I can but put my weapon up, and
          Bow you out.
Gesticulationit is half the language.
   Let unsheathed gesticulation be the steel
   Your courtesy must meet,
   Since in your hearing words are mute, which to my senses
          Are a shout.

Moore's poem is, paradoxically, about not using words: on her side, because they would be wasted on her listener; on the other side, because her opponent is verbally incompetent. Putting away her verbal sword, the poet bows her antagonist out with a gesture. This is a classy, fast, and subtle version of the old joke about declining a battle of wits because the enemy is unarmed. The phrase "I'm all abroad" adds a poignancy that the joke lacks: Dealing with this candid poltroon, to whom words are toneless, Moore feels like someone in a country where she understands neither the language nor the behavior. The final word "shout" suggests bad manners or danger, and the poem is about both. For Moore there is something fearsome, as well as rude, about someone who can physically hear but remains intellectually tone-deaf.

One of the great insulters in English poetry, Ben Jonson, like Moore, sometimes wrote out of an angry despair at those for whom words count for little. On such grounds, Jonson (who wrote masques as well as plays and poems) seems to have particularly hated his theatrical collaborator, the great 17th-century architect and special-effects set designer Inigo Jones, to whom he refers as "Inigo, Marquess Would-Be." Legend has it that Shakespeare did a good impression, onstage and in private, of Jonsonin righteous anger, one imagines.

Jonson's rage at Inigo Jones exceeds that of any screenwriter upstaged by computer graphics in his over-the-top "Expostulation with Inigo Jones." ("O showes! Showes! Mighty Showes!/ The Eloquence of Masques! What need of prose/ Or Verse, or Sense, t'express Immortall you?") In another, calmer poem, adapting the Latin of Martial, Jonson imagines his enemy fearing that he might be named in a savage poem and then contemptuously imagines putting the man's fears to rest:

Since Inigo doth fear it as I hear
(And labors to seem worthy of that fear)
That I should write upon him some sharp verse,
Able to eat into his bones and pierce
The marrow! Wretch, I quit thee of thy pain
Thou'rt too ambitious: and dost fear in vain!
The Lybian Lion hunts no butter flyes,
He makes the Camel and dull Ass his prize.
If thou be so desirous to be read,
Seek out some hungry painter, that for bread
With rotten chalk, or Coal upon a wall,
Will well design thee, to be viewed of all
That sit upon the Common Draught, or Strand!
Thy Forehead is too narrow for my brand.

Jones is unworthy even of being insulted, a better target for anonymous graffiti than for the poetor so says Jonson, disregarding how many times he returned to the subject of Jones and Jones' undeserved honors.

It's also worth noting that Jonson makes Jones' distinctive given name explicit, right at the beginning of that poem. Withholding particular names, and attacking an entire class of people, can be a way of attacking particular people; surely, William Butler Yeats had some specific examples in mind when he wrote:

THE SCHOLARS

Bald heads forgetful of their sins,
Old, learned, respectable bald heads
Edit and annotate the lines
That young men, tossing on their beds,
Rhymed out in love's despair
To flatter beauty's innocent ear.

All shuffle there; all cough in ink;
All wear the carpet with their shoes;
All think what other people think;
All know the man their neighbour knows.
Lord, what would they say
Did their Catullus walk that way?

It is sad to think that in his time and place Yeats had to endure literary academics who were self-righteous, driven by intellectual fashion, reluctant to think independently, socially provincial, self-important, and timid.

Anonymity cuts more than one way: It can cut against self-importance. The Harvard University Press absolutely refuses permission to quote whole poems by Emily Dickinson on the Web, under any circumstances, no matter what the fee. (The Harvard legal department fears the publisher's potential loss of control.) So, here is the second half of Dickinson's poem that begins, "I'm Nobody! Who are you?":

How drearyto beSomebody!
How publiclike a Frog
To tell one's namethe livelong June
To an admiring Bog!

(Slate readers are invited to compose epigrams on the Harvard University Press' stewardship of Emily Dickinson's poetry and send them to that press in Cambridge, Mass., 02138.)

The best anonymous lines I know in this category were composed during World War II, possibly by various British soldiers, or by one inspired soldier. The lines are sung to the tune of the "Colonel Bogey March":

Hitler
Has only got one ball.
Goering
Has two, but very small.

Himmler
Has something similar,
But Goebbals
Has no balls
At all!

Hitler was said to have had an undescended testicle; fact or legend, this piece of writing makes the most of it, superbly. The technical word for rhyming between two languages is "macaronic rhyme"; "Himmler" and "similar" is an example, and the slight imperfection of the rhyme (two syllables rhyming with three) makes it funnierand suggests dialect pronunciation.

The 19th-century Englishman Walter Savage Landor writes the following stanza about an eminent Romantic poet's planned or rumored marriage for moneyaddressing a specific person, like Jonson's Inigo, without quite naming him:

Weep Venus and ye
Adorable Three
Whom Venus forever environ:

Pounds, shillings and pence
And cold sober sense
Have clapped the straight waistcoat on *****.

Ezra Pound quotes these lines in his ABC of Reading, with the observation: "Asterisks left by the author and concealing nothing." (I can remember reading the passage in college, with relief that I could indeed fill in the name and know beyond suspicion that Byron was being treated unfairly.)

Sometimes, the poem builds up to the most ordinary, standard, one- or two-syllable terms or condemnation. Louise Glück's poem "Labor Day" concludes with a single syllable, distinct as a slap:

Requiring something lovely on his arm
Took me to Stamford, Connecticut, a quasi-farm,
The family's; later picking up the mammoth
Girlfriend of Charlie, meanwhile trying to pawn me off
On some third guy also up for the weekend.
But Saturday we still were paired: spent
It sprawled across that sprawling acreage
Until the grass grew limp
With damp. Like me. Johnston-baby, I can still see
The pelted clover, burrs' prickle-fur and gorged
Pastures spewing infinite tiny bells. You pimp.

I like the way the "sprawling acreage" of the "quasi-farm" comes in for part of the poet's contempt, and then how just before the last two words her observation and expert appropriation of natural detailthose irritating burrs and bellsset up the final rhyme.

The great nonsense poet Edward Lear sets the category of insult on its head, or makes it do somersaults, in his poem mocking himself:

How pleasant to know Mr. Lear,
Who has written such volumes of stuff.
Some think him ill-tempered and queer,
But a few find him pleasant enough.

His mind is concrete and fastidious,
His nose is remarkably big;
His visage is more or less hideous,
His beard it resembles a wig.

He has ears, and two eyes, and ten fingers,
(Leastways if you reckon two thumbs);
He used to be one of the singers,
But now he is one of the dumbs.

He sits in a beautiful parlour,
With hundreds of books on the wall;
He drinks a great deal of marsala,
But never gets tipsy at all.

He has many friends, laymen and clerical,
Old Foss is the name of his cat;
His body is perfectly spherical,
He weareth a runcible hat.

When he walks in waterproof white,
The children run after him so!
Calling out, "He's gone out in his night-
Gown, that crazy old Englishman, oh!"

He weeps by the side of the ocean,
He weeps on the top of the hill;
He purchases pancakes and lotion,
And chocolate shrimps from the mill.

He reads, but he does not speak, Spanish,
He cannot abide ginger beer;
Ere the days of his pilgrimage vanish,
How pleasant to know Mr. Lear!

In moments like the third stanza, briefly, and with the lightest of touches, Lear shows a little of the pathos in the monster of the self, that angry, yet eager-to-please, creature. Turning the aggression inward is one more literary ploy, one adapted in tribute to Lear by T.S. Eliot, who wrote:

How unpleasant to meet Mr. Eliot!
With his features of clerical cut,
And his brow so grim
And his mouth so prim
And his conversation, so nicely
Restricted to What Precisely
And If and Perhaps and But.
How unpleasant to meet Mr. Eliot!
With a bobtail cur
In a coat of fur
And a porpentine cat
And a wopsical hat:
How unpleasant to meet Mr. Eliot!

Eliot has the good judgment to make his poem a tribute to Lear's. An interesting question is which of the two poems is more penetrating, more genuinely self-deprecatory.

The opposite of deriding oneself may be deriding the entire human race, as does John Wilmot, Earl of Rochester (1647-1680), in his "Satire Against Mankind," which begins:

Were I, who to my cost already am,
One of those strange, prodigious creatures, Man,
A spirit free, to choose for my own share,
What case of flesh and blood I pleased to wear,
I'd be a dog, a monkey, or a bar,
Or anything but that vain animal,
Who is so proud of being rational.
The senses are too gross, and he'll contrive
A sixth, to contradict the other five:
And before certain instinct will prefer
Reason, which fifty times for one does err.

Wilmot also supplies a conclusion for this bouquet of raspberries, by justifying the art of poetic execration, invoking his predecessors. Here are the opening lines of his "In Defense of Satyr":

When Shakes. Johns. Fletcher rul'd the Stage,
They took so bold a freedom with the Age,
That there was scarce a Knave, or Fool, in Town,
Of any note, but had his Picture shown;
And (without doubt) though some it may offend,
Nothing helps more than Satyr, to amend
Ill manners, or is trulier Virtue's Friend.
Princes, may Laws ordain, Priests gravely Preach,
But Poets, most successfully, will teach.