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Thursday, May 03, 2007 

Bush Has Destroyed Iraq and America

by Paul Craig Roberts
by Paul Craig Roberts

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Every American who voted Republican shares responsibility for the great evil America has brought to the Middle East.

The evil that America brought to Iraq transcends the tens or hundreds of thousands of Iraqi civilians who have been killed and maimed in the conflict. The evil goes beyond the destruction of ancient historical artifacts and the civilian infrastructure of a secular state and the decimation of the lives, careers, and families of millions of Iraqis.

The violence and killing that Bush brought to Iraq has spread antagonism between Sunni and Shiite throughout the Middle East with potentially draconian consequences. Bush's war has turned Muslim hearts and minds against America and made terrorism an acceptable means to resist American hegemony. With his mindless war, Bush has created more terrorism than the world has ever seen.

The reasons given for the American invasion of Iraq have been exposed as lies, revealing America as either a country of fools and idiots or of war criminals. Worldwide polls show that America is no longer regarded as a guiding light but is tied with Israel as the second greatest threat to world stability.

The nuclear-armed Russians, alarmed by America's gratuitous aggression and interference in Russian and Middle Eastern internal affairs and by Bush's aggressive withdrawal on June 13, 2002 from the 1972 anti-ballistic missile treaty, no longer see the US as a partner in peace but as a dangerous militaristic aggressor. The chance for understanding and trust with Russia has been destroyed by the stupid Bush administration. The White House Moron, who cannot successfully occupy Baghdad, believes he can run over Russia.

Former CIA director George "Slam-Dunk" Tenet writes in a new book, At the Center of the Storm: My years at the CIA that Vice President Dick Cheney and the neoconservatives caused America to invade Iraq without ever holding a serious debate about whether Iraq was a threat. Tenet writes: "There was never a serious debate that I know of within the administration about the imminence of the Iraqi threat."

The 2003 American invasion of Iraq is a war crime under international law. The invasion caused sectarian violence far beyond anything Iraq had ever experienced under Saddam Hussein. Tenet writes that "sectarian violence in Iraq has taken on a life of its own and that US forces are becoming more and more irrelevant to the management of that violence."

Tenet says that Dick Cheney made him a scapegoat for the disastrous war by misrepresenting to media what he meant by "slam-dunk." Interviewed by "60 Minutes," Tenet said that the administration misrepresented his comment to mean that the case was air tight that Saddam Hussein had weapons of mass destruction. Tenet states that the Bush administration's misrepresentation of what he said is "the most despicable thing that ever happened" to him.

The American people have never been told the real reasons that Bush-Cheney and the Republican Party rushed us to war in Iraq. Americans have only been fed a pack of transparent lies.

The war has brought no honor, no glory, and no tangible benefit. The war has brought shame upon America for routine torture of Iraqi detainees and for the routine slaughter of unarmed Iraqi civilians – mothers, fathers, children, grandparents – by trigger-happy American troops. There are even reports of US mercenaries having fun riding around taking pot shots at Iraqi civilians.

Billions of dollars in "aid" are missing. The stench of corruption is heavy in the air. There are myriad investigations of Bush administration and contractor corruption. Who can keep up with them all? Cheney's Halliburton, the greatest hog at the trough, has not been indicted. The missing suitcases of cash have not been recovered. The earnest efforts of Congress have taken on a pathetic, plodding life of their own.

In an article just published in the Armed Forces Journal, Lt. Col. Paul Yingling, one of the commanders of the 3rd Armored Cavalry Regiment in Iraq, condemns American generals as " mild-mannered team players" who "are not worthy of their soldiers" and who "underestimated the strength of the enemy, overestimated the capabilities of Iraq's government and security forces and failed to provide Congress with an accurate assessment of security conditions in Iraq."

Captains, majors, and lieutenant colonels are frustrated with the political cowardice of their general officers and are leaving the service in droves. The Army is trying to improve retention by offering $20,000 cash payments to the officers – another stupid Bush administration policy as any officer who sells his soul is demoralized.

Col. Yingling writes that Congress must step in and break up the way administrations use promotions to acquire compliant generals as accomplices in deceiving the American people.

The most frightening fact about the Bush administration is that not a single office is held by a competent or qualified person. Integrity is so rare among Bush appointees that integrity has been silenced.

That should concern all Americans. Even Republicans.

April 30, 2007

Paul Craig Roberts [send him mail] wrote the Kemp-Roth bill and was Assistant Secretary of the Treasury in the Reagan administration. He was Associate Editor of the Wall Street Journal editorial page and Contributing Editor of National Review. He is author or coauthor of eight books, including The Supply-Side Revolution (Harvard University Press). He has held numerous academic appointments, including the William E. Simon Chair in Political Economy, Center for Strategic and International Studies, Georgetown University and Senior Research Fellow, Hoover Institution, Stanford University. He has contributed to numerous scholar journals and testified before Congress on 30 occasions. He has been awarded the U.S. Treasury's Meritorious Service Award and the French Legion of Honor. He was a reviewer for the Journal of Political Economy under editor Robert Mundell. He is the co-author of The Tyranny of Good Intentions. He is also coauthor with Karen Araujo of Chile: Dos Visiones – La Era Allende-Pinochet (Santiago: Universidad Andres Bello, 2000).

Copyright © 2007 Creators Syndicate

Paul Craig Roberts Archives ..

Tuesday, March 27, 2007 

James Madison - "Impeach Bush Over Purgegate!"

by Thom Hartmann

According to James Madison, the "Father of the Constitution," if a President were to order or allow the "wanton removal of meritorious officers" such as US attorneys, such an action "would subject the President to impeachment and removal from his own high trust."

The issue of the firing of people within the Executive branch for political purposes came up during a debate in 1789 about how to create agencies within the Executive branch that would be consistent with Article II, Section 2 of the US Constitution, which says that the President can appoint people (like US Attorneys/prosecutors), but they couldn't take office unless the Senate votes to confirm each individual appointment:

He [the President] shall have Power, by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, to make Treaties, provided two thirds of the Senators present concur; and he shall nominate, and by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, shall appoint Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, Judges of the supreme Court, and all other Officers of the United States, whose Appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by Law: but the Congress may by Law vest the Appointment of such inferior Officers, as they think proper, in the President alone, in the Courts of Law, or in the Heads of Departments.

But if the President can nominate, and the Senate confirm somebody like a federal prosecutor, who can fire one? And what if they're fired for politcal purposes?

Madison's logic was straightforward, and came about in one of his first major speeches before the House of Representatives, on 17 June 1789, just a few months into his first term as a Congressman (he would later become Secretary of State and President). A bill was put forward to create what is today known as the State Department in a more formal fashion than had existed when George Washington had become the new nation's first President just three months before and appointed Thomas Jefferson as his Secretary of State Affairs.

As with other agencies brought into law by Congress, this new Department of Foreign Affairs being debated would have to exist under the oversight and supervision of the Executive Branch of government, led by the President. And, as such, how, Congress wanted to know, could they make sure that no President would ever allow good members of his various departments ("meritorious officers") to be fired for purely political purposes ("wanton removal")?

The Congressional Register from that day lays out Madison's entire speech. Because it's thorough and detailed, and offers a brilliant insight into the thinking of the most important of the Framers of our Constitution (Madison), I reproduce it in its entirety below. Because it's rather long, however, I've also bolded and italicized those parts that get right to the nub of the matter so you can skim it first, and then go back and read the entire thing in context.

The essence of the debate is over whether Congress or the President would have the power to fire people employed below the level of a Cabinet officer in the George Washington and future administrations. The conclusion of the majority - and thus the way the law is today - is that Congress felt that the Senate's approval of the hiring of federal officers was critical (a power the Patriot Act took away, and the Senate voted last week to restore), and that when it comes to firing them, the President has the power. However, if the President were to abuse that power to fire federal officials through the "wanton removal of meritorious officers," he should be immediately impeached.

This was particularly relevant since, in 1789, there were no federal crimes that had yet been defined. So when the Constitution said that a President could be impeached for "High Crimes and Misdemeanors" there were none specified at the time. (The first federal crime was specified in 1790.) So Congress, at this point, was in the process of both creating new executive offices and of defining impeachable "crimes." They were establishing precedents, and this was a grave matter. It would echo forward for centuries.

The Congressional Register 17 June 1789 The house went into a committee of the whole on the bill for establishing the department of foreign affairs, and resumed the consideration of the clause "to be removable by the president."

Mr. Madison [is called upon to speak].

However various the opinions which exist upon the point now before us, it seems agreed on all sides, that it demands a careful investigation and full discussion. I feel the importance of the question, and know that our decision will involve the decision of all similar cases. The decision that is at this time made will become the permanent exposition of the constitution; and on a permanent exposition of the constitution will depend the genius and character of the whole government. It will depend, perhaps, on this decision, whether the government shall retain that equilibrium which the constitution intended, or take a direction toward aristocracy, or anarchy among the members of the government. Hence how careful ought we to be to give a true direction to a power so critically circumstanced. It is incumbent on us to weigh with particular attention the arguments which have been advanced in support of the various opinions with cautious deliberation.

I own to you, Mr. chairman, that I feel great anxiety upon this question; I feel an anxiety, because I am called upon to give a decision in a case that may affect the fundamental principles of the government under which we act, and liberty itself. But all that I can do on such an occasion is to weigh well every thing advanced on both sides, with the purest desire to find out the true meaning of the constitution, and to be guided by that, and an attachment to the true spirit of liberty, whose influence I believe strongly predominates here.

Several constructions have been put upon the constitution relative to the point in question. The gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Sherman) has advanced a doctrine which was not touched upon before. He seems to think (if I understood him right), that the power of displacing from office is subject to legislative discretion; because it having a right to create, it may limit or modify as is thought proper. I shall not say but at first view this doctrine may seem to have some plausibility: But when I consider, that the constitution clearly intended to maintain a marked distinction between the legislative, executive, and judicial powers of government; and when I consider, that if the legislature has a power, such as contended for, they may subject, and transfer at discretion, powers from one department of government to another; they may, on that principle, exclude the president altogether from exercising any authority in the removal of officers; they may give it to the senate alone, or the president and senate combined; they may vest it in the whole congress, or they may reserve it to be exercised by this house. When I consider the consequences of this doctrine, and compare them with the true principles of the constitution, I own that I cannot subscribe to it.

Another doctrine which has found very respectable friends, has been particularly advocated by the gentleman from South-Carolina (Mr. Smith). It is this; when an officer is appointed by the president and senate, he can only be displaced from malfeasance in his office by impeachment: I think this would give a stability to the executive department so far as it may be described by the heads of departments, which is more incompatible with the genius of republican governments in general, and this constitution in particular, than any doctrine which has yet been proposed. The danger to liberty, the danger of mal-administration has not yet been found to lay so much in the facility of introducing improper persons into office, as in the difficulty of displacing those who are unworthy of the public trust. If it is said that an officer once appointed shall not be displaced without the formality required by impeachment, I shall be glad to know what security we have for the faithful administration of the government. Every individual in the long chain which extends from the highest to the lowest link of the executive magistracy, would find a security in his situation which would relax his fidelity and promptitude in the discharge of his duty.

The doctrine, however, which seems to stand most in opposition to the principles I contend for, is that the power to annul an appointment is in the nature of things incidental to the power which makes the appointment [e.g. the President]. I agree that if nothing more was said in the constitution than that the president, by and with the advice and consent of the senate, should appoint to office, there would be great force in saying that the power of removal resulted by a natural implication from the power of appointing. But there is another part of the constitution no less explicit than the one on which the gentleman's doctrine is founded, it is that part which declares, that the executive power shall be vested in a president of the United States. The association of the senate with the president in exercising that particular function, is an exception to this general rule; and exceptions to general rules, I conceive, are ever to be taken strictly.

But there is another part of the constitution which inclines in my judgment, to favor the construction I put upon it; the president is required to take care that the laws be faithfully executed. If the duty to see the laws faithfully executed be required at the hands of the executive magistrate, it would seem that it was generally intended he should have that species of power which is necessary to accomplish that end. Now if the officer when once appointed, is not to depend upon the president for his official existence, but upon a distinct body (for where there are two negatives required either can prevent the removal), I confess I do not see how the president can take care that the laws be faithfully executed. It is true by a circuitous operation, he may obtain an impeachment, and even without this it is possible he may obtain the concurrence of the senate for the purpose of displacing an officer; but would this give that species of control to the executive magistrate which seems to be required by the constitution? I own if my opinion was not contrary to that entertained by what I suppose to be the minority on this question, I should be doubtful of being mistaken, when I discovered how inconsistent that construction would make the constitution with itself. I can hardly bring myself to imagine the wisdom of the convention who framed the constitution, contemplated such incongruity.

There is another maxim which ought to direct us in expounding the constitution, and is of great importance. It is laid down in most of the constitutions or bills of rights in the republics of America, it is to be found in the political writings of the most celebrated civilians, and is every where held as essential to the preservation of liberty, That the three great departments of government be kept separate and distinct; and if in any case they are blended, it is in order to admit a partial qualification in order more effectually to guard against an entire consolidation. I think, therefore, when we review the several parts of this constitution, when it says that the legislative powers shall be vested in a Congress of the United States under certain exceptions, and the executive power vested in the president with certain exceptions, we must suppose they were intended to be kept separate in all cases in which they are not blended, and ought consequently to expound the constitution so as to blend them as little as possible.

Every thing relative to the merits of the question as distinguished from a constitutional question, seems to turn on the danger of such a power vested in the president alone. But when I consider the checks under which he lies in the exercise of this power, I own to you I feel no apprehensions but what arise from the dangers incidental to the power itself; for dangers will be incidental to it, vest it where you please. I will not reiterate what was said before with respect to the mode of election, and the extreme improbability that any citizen will be selected from the mass of citizens who is not highly distinguished by his abilities and worth; in this alone we have no small security for the faithful exercise of this power. But, throwing that out of the question, let us consider the restraints he will feel after he is placed in that elevated station. It is to be remarked that the power in this case will not consist so much in continuing a bad man in office, as in the danger of displacing a good one.

Perhaps the great danger, as has been observed, of abuse in the executive power, lies in the improper continuance of bad men in office. But the power we contend for will not enable him to do this; for if an unworthy man be continued in office by an unworthy president, the house of representatives can at any time impeach him, and the senate can remove him, whether the president chuses or not.

The danger then consists merely in this, the president can displace from office a man whose merits require that he should be continued in it. What will be the motives which the president can feel for such abuse of his power, and the restraints that operate to prevent it? In the first place, he will be impeachable by this house, before the senate, for such an act of mal-administration; for I contend that the wanton removal of meritorious officers would subject him to impeachment and removal from his own high trust.

But what can be his motives for displacing a worthy man? It must be that he may fill the place with an unworthy creature of his own. Can he accomplish this end? No; he can place no man in the vacancy whom the senate shall not approve; and if he could fill the vacancy with the man he might chuse, I am sure he would have little inducement to make an improper removal.

Let us consider the consequences. The injured man will be supported by the popular opinion; the community will take side with him against the president; it will facilitate those combinations, and give success to those exertions which will be pursued to prevent his re-election. To displace a man of high merit, and who from his station may be supposed a man of extensive influence, are considerations which will excite serious reflections before hand in the mind of any man who may fill the presidential chair, the friends of those individuals, and the public sympathy will be against him.

If this should not produce his impeachment before the senate, it will amount to an impeachment before the community, who will have the power of punishment by refusing to re-elect him. But suppose this persecuted individual, cannot obtain revenge in this mode, there are other modes in which he could make the situation of the president very inconvenient, if you suppose him resolutely bent on executing the dictates of resentment. If he had not influence enough to direct the vengeance of the whole community, he may probably be able to obtain an appointment in one or other branch of the legislature; and being a man of weight, talents and influence in either case, he may prove to the president troublesome indeed.

We have seen examples in the history of other nations, which justifies the remark I now have made, though the prerogatives of the British king are great as his rank, and it is unquestionably known that he has a positive influence over both branches of the legislative body, yet there have been examples in which the appointment and removal of ministers has been found to be dictated by one or other of those branches.

Now if this is the case with an hereditary monarch, possessed of those high prerogatives and furnished with so many means of influence; can we suppose a president elected for four years only dependent upon the popular voice impeachable by the legislature? little if at all distinguished for wealth, personal talents, or influence from the head of the department himself; I say, will he bid defiance to all these considerations, and wantonly dismiss a meritorious and virtuous officer? Such abuse of power exceeds my conception: If any thing takes place in the ordinary course of business of this kind, my imagination cannot extend to it on any rational principle.

But let us not consider the question on one side only, there are dangers to be contemplated on the other. Vest this power in the senate jointly with the president, and you abolish at once that great principle of unity and responsibility in the executive department, which was intended for the security of liberty and the public good. If the president should possess alone the power of removal from office, those who are employed in the execution of the law will be in their proper situation, and the chain of dependence be preserved; the lowest officers, the middle grade, and the highest, will depend, as they ought, on the president, and the president on the community. The chain of dependence therefore terminates in the supreme body, namely, in the people; who will possess besides, in aid of their original power, the decisive engine of impeachment.

Shortly thereafter, Mr. Madison yielded the floor to Mr. Elbridge Gerry of Massachusetts, who argued against impeaching a President for firing an honorable man. "It is said that the president will be subject to an impeachment for dismissing a good man," Gerry noted. "This in my mind involves an absurdity."

Gerry then went on to build a case that no President would do such a thing, because his new appointment would also be subject to confirmation by the Senate. When the Senate considered the new appointment, it would be able to ask what had happened to the last person, thus bringing accountability of the President into the picture.

Mr. Gerry, of course, had not foreseen a day when a certain Senator Specter would be forced by ideologues in the White House to hire a right-wing operative. He never imagined such an operative could then slip into law over Senator Specter's name (but, according to the good Senator, without his knowledge) a change in the Constitutional requirement of Senate confirmation of presidential appointments to the position of federal prosecutors known as US Attorneys. And Congressman Gerry (after whom Gerrymandering would later be named - no saint himself) would, no doubt, have been boggled at the idea that that same operative would then would himself end up as a federal prosecutor.

Madison was prescient. The remedy for this High Crime against American democracy is impeachment.

Thom Hartmann (thom at thomhartmann.com) is a Project Censored Award-winning best-selling author and host of a nationally syndicated daily progressive talk show. www.thomhartmann.com His most recent books are "The Last Hours of Ancient Sunlight," "Unequal Protection: The Rise of Corporate Dominance and the Theft of Human Rights," "We The People: A Call To Take Back America," The Edison Gene, and "What Would Jefferson Do?: A Return To Democracy."


Article printed from www.CommonDreams.org

URL to article: http://www.commondreams.org/archive/2007/03/27/113/

Tuesday, March 27, 2007 
..> ..>
United Nations complicity in war crimes
Interview with former UN assistant secretary-general Hans-Christof von Sponeck


Global Research, March 24, 2007

For Hans Christof von Sponeck, the former assistant secretary-general of the UN, the United Nations, far from garding the respect for international law and the consolidation of peace, have themselves become a factor of injustice. Thus, the sanctions imposed on Saddam Hussein's Iraq caused a human disaster, whereas treaties such as the nuclear non-proliferation treaty are used to ensure the domination of certain powers and to threaten others. It is time to change the system completely.

23 March 2007

Hans-Christof von Sponeck Count Hans-Christof von Sponeck, born in Bremen in 1939, has been working for the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) for 32 years. Appointed by Kofi Annan in 1998 as United Nations Humanitarian Coordinator for Iraq, with the status of UN Assistant to the Secretary General, Mr. von Sponeck resigned in March 2000 in protest against the sanctions, which had led the Iraqi people to misery and starvation. It is with sorrow and bitterness that he speaks about the sufferings endured by the Iraqis, a people he knew well and learned to love, and he appeals to the political leaders responsible for the catastrophe in a moving interview he gave to Silvia Cattori.

Silvia Cattori: In your book "A Different War: The UN Sanctions Regime in Iraq", [1] you denounced openly the fact that the Security Council betrayed the principles of the UN Charter. Could you give us specific examples where the UN Secretariat behaved in an especially condemnable way?

Hans von Sponeck: The Security Council must follow the UN Charter and it must not forget the Convention on the rights of the child and the general implications of these conventions. Moreover, if the Security Council knows that conditions in Iraq are inhuman - people of all ages have been in deep trouble, not because of a dictator, but because of the policies around the 'oil for food programme' - and it decides not to act, or not to do enough to protect the people against the impact of its policy, then one can argue very easily that the Security Council is to be blamed, for the very strong increase in the mortality rates in Iraq. A definite example is that during the 1980s, under the government of Saddam Hussein, UNICEF identified 25 children per thousand under the age five years of age that were dying in Iraq for various reasons. During the years of sanctions, from 1990 to 2003, there was a sharp increase from 56 per thousand children under five years of age in the early 1990s to 131 per thousand under five years of age at the beginning of the new century. Now everyone can easily understand that this was due to the economic sanctions, so it is out of the question that the Security Council preferred to ignore the consequences of its policies in Iraq under the pressure excercised by the major intervening parties including, and in particular, the United States and Great Britain.

Silvia Cattori: How could the Security Council neglect to consider the fact that these sanctions allowed the superpowers to misuse their position and uniquely pursue their war objectives, when it voted for other resolutions, like for example resolution 1559 which was particularly intended to provide the United States and Israel with a cover for future military strikes? Does that mean that the Security Council and the UN Secretariat, supposed to defend the people, have become mainly responsible for humanitarian catastrophes?

Hans von Sponeck: I would say, only those who either are ignorant, or those who cannot accept the defeat, will continue to argue that the humanitarian drama in Iraq was largely not due – not exclusively but to a large extent –to an erroneous policy, a policy of punishment. The Iraqi people were punished for having accepted the government in Baghdad, even though they were completely innocent.

Silvia Cattori: Our political leaders, who are present in all international bodies, knew perfectly well that these sanctions would have disastrous consequences. Does that mean that, by remaining silent, they have accepted innocent civilians to be killed, tortured, and starved?

Hans von Sponeck: I would say, unless the international community has a very bad memory, we cannot forget that, either there was silence or there was connivance, support, or there was a deliberate effort to promote conditions of the kind that prevailed in Iraq during thirteen years of sanctions. Therefore, you get different levels of accountability, of political accountability. Not only the Prime Minister of Great Britain and the President of the United States and their governments are responsible, but others as well; Spain and Italy played a supportive role that means the former governments are responsible as well. Mr Aznar in Madrid and Mr Berlusconi in Italy are very much responsible for having contributed to the humanitarian disaster that evolved in Iraq. They will not accept this responsibility but the evidence is there.

Silvia Cattori: If the manipulation of the Security Council by the United States is the main problem and if the US continues to commit crimes pretending that they have a UN mandate, what can be done to correct that unacceptable situation?

Hans von Sponeck: I think that this is a very important question. It is relevant for the debate about what kind of United Nations we need to protect the international community or to protect the 192 member governments from the danger that certain other governments misuse their authority, their information, their finances and their power to serve their own interest, but against the interests of peace, the interests of justice and the interests of mankind.

Silvia Cattori: How did you react to the execution of Saddam Hussein and his co-defendants, sentenced to death by a tribunal established by the USA?

Hans von Sponeck: I would say, first of all, that I was not surprised. This was the ultimate objective of those in power in Baghdad and of those who occupy Iraq. It is impossible to defend Saddam Hussein, but we can respond to the fact that there was no due process, but a masquerade. It was a tribunal that hid a prearranged death sentence under the cover of respectability. Saddam Hussein, like any other person, deserved the right to a fair trial, but he was not given a fair trial. And therefore I was upset by this obvious act, although we have international law, despite the fact that the European nations, the US and Canada as well as other western nations repeatedly express their intention to maintain justice, that they in fact did not protect justice.

Silvia Cattori: You wrote to President Bush and asked him to free Tarek Aziz. Did you get an answer?

Hans von Sponeck: I did not get an answer. I wrote this letter because I know Mr Tarek Aziz. My predecessor and I both think he is a person with whom we had a correct relationship, a person who – despite what we read in the mainstream media – tried to look to the Iraqi people. He was ready and willing to consider proposals for the improvement of the humanitarian aid programme. From our perspective, from my perspective, he was a correct person. I cannot judge what Mr Tarek Aziz did in Iraq outside my fields of responsibility, but all I want to ask for is that a person, who is ill, if for no other than humanitarian reasons, should be treated with dignity, should be allowed to obtain medical care while having a fair trial. Just like Saddam Hussein, Tarek Aziz deserved, and deserves, to be treated in accordance with international law, in accordance with The Hague and the Geneva Conventions. I object to the fact that over three years after he voluntarily turned himself in to the occupation forces, he has not even been charged, and still remains in custody while he is badly in need of medical care.

Silvia Cattori: While the situation created by the occupation of Iraq is frightening, it is to be feared that the Resolution against Iran will be used by the United States to strike that country. The German Navy – formally under UN mandate – is in place in the Eastern Mediterranean. Is it because you know to what extent your country is involved in the projects of war of the United States that you recently wrote an open letter to Mrs Angela Merkel asking her to refuse all use of violence against Iran?

Hans von Sponeck: That is correct. I feel very strongly that, gradually, Germany and other European countries are getting involved into power policy defined in Washington by power-hungry people. This is becoming more serious because these power-hungry people begin to realize that they cannot, on their own, implement a policy of domination. So they need the help of other governments now, and these others seem to be Central-European and Eastern European governments from Lithuania to Great Britain. They also try to politicise NATO and make it an instrument, which to a large extent has in fact already become a US instrument. Therefore, just like any normal individual in this world, I cannot accept the attempts – supported by Chancellor Merkel during the recent NATO summit – to provide this military alliance with a political mission. NATO is an instrument of the Cold War; for many years NATO was looking for a new mission, for a new role. The only thing the allies knew was that they have a military responsibility but, with the end of the Cold War in Europe, that responsibility no longer existed and was no longer necessary. So there was this desperate search for a new role.

I personally think that it is extremely dangerous that NATO now presents itself as a democratic instrument for western democracies while, in fact, it is a tool in the hands of the United States to implement the Project for the 'New American Century'. Neoconservatives in the United States made this famous proposal in the 1990s – while the Bush administration converted it into its national security strategy of 2002 and subsequent years - and NATO is supposed to assist its implementation. The responsible politicians that recently met in Munich should have rejected this concept. Mr Vladimir Putin, the Russian President for once did not mince his words and expressed plainly what many of us feel. Of course, those who follow a different agenda rejected his suggestions. However, there is a reality in what Mr Putin said.

I am convinced that, due to this militarised politicisation of NATO, we will have taken a big step backwards to what is not only a Cold War atmosphere between major powers, but also, and this is the tragedy, to an increase in defence spending in many countries including China, Russia, and Western Europe. This spending has already been greatly increased in numerous countries, and it can serve no other purpose than escalating the polarisation between different groups around the world. The world beyond Central Europe and North America is no longer willing to accept a western one-sided policy. The public no longer accepts the requirements of last century's military and economic powers. Their days are over and, if we do not take this into account, we will only make things worse. To me, the key words at the moment are dialogue and diplomacy. We have to accomplish this in a clearly multilateral spirit, not in the spirit of a superpower, which is anything but a superpower be it economically, politically or morally, let alone ethically. Even if there is a little bit of superpower spirit left in the United States because of its military power, it is not going to be enough to save the 'Pax Americana'. 'Pax Americana' is a thing of the past and the sooner we recognise this in Europe and prepare ourselves for multilateral cooperation – which is something different from the bilateral or NATO type cooperation – the better it will be.

Silvia Cattori: NATO is taking part in wars of occupation – in contradiction to its own Charter – and, in collaboration with the CIA, it is involved in secret criminal operations: What I think of in this context are the abductions of suspects to secret prisons. If Europe continues to submit itself to and accepts the installation of American anti-missile systems in NATO member states, might this not lead to confrontation, or even to the return to the worst days of Cold War?

Hans von Sponeck: It is insane. There is no excuse, and Condoleezza Rice's argument according to which Russia had no reason to worry about ten anti-missile systems to be stationed in Poland and in the Czech Republic is so dishonest. If ten can be placed today, twenty might be placed tomorrow. The very fact that these antimissile systems are positioned at the border of the former USSR, or Russia, is already enough to augment the reasons for confrontation between Russia and the West, let alone China.

We are creating and we are shaping tomorrow's enemy. I, and with me many others around the globe, cannot accept this development. We do not count, however, we are weak, we are considered naïve, we are considered 'blue-eyed people', as the Americans have often called us, who do not understand the 'global vision'.

Well, if we are living in a democracy, then I have the right to understand this 'global vision', but I am not informed about it. I am just asked to rely on the good will and on the good intentions of a government like the one in Washington. But I cannot do so, we cannot do so, because we have been disappointed over and over again by misinformation, by brutal dishonesty, by power politics that only served one party. I am far from accepting this and, therefore I regard the whole policy of convincing the Czech and Polish governments to have these antimissile systems as extremely dangerous and misplaced. That is nothing but blatant and brutal power politics, which we do not need and which we will fight against. Peace, future internationalism and the consolidation of nations and progress – in the spirit of the UN Charter and other international laws – don't have any need of that.

Silvia Cattori: You were in Kuala Lumpur in February, to attend a conference on war crimes. There was, in the West, very limited media coverage on this important event. If such meetings, which denounce the drifts of NATO and the violations of the UN Charter, are ignored, how can a debate be opened for reforming these organisations? Don't you feel like speaking in a desert while the media, the UN, the States, go on lying and ignore your struggle?

Hans von Sponeck: Well, you know, one should not be discouraged by the fact that the media ignore us. Most of the time, when citizens tried to convince their leaders to change direction, they have been ignored. Well, should that be the end of the effort? I do not think so. The very fact that people, not just fools, not just misguided dreamers, but very realistic people who have an overall view on the world, who understand the political processes, come together to debate in a serious way the conditions and misuse of power, gives important evidence that the international conscience is alive, that an international conscience exists. Kuala Lumpur did not make it to the headlines; Hollywood makes it to the headlines, cheap emotionalism, and cheap quality media events like the Big Brother programme in London make headlines.

The fact that 5000 people got together in Kuala Lumpur to discuss war as a crime, against the background of all the global sufferings that these illegal wars have caused, did not make it to the headlines is regrettable, but it should not make people less willing to speak out. Those attacted by these crimes should notice it. Every one of us, as an individual, has a responsibility to observe, has to make his or her views known. In addition, I am sure that the Kuala Lumpur meeting has created more awareness in many circles around the world, which will ultimately be transferred into a greater resistance against these feint and selfish and one-sided policies that the West tries to enforce.

I am not anti-West, I am a 'Westerner' but that does not mean that I cannot critically look at the one-way street which has developed, the one-way traffic on which international power, international trade, international culture are travelling. That, as I have said before, cannot continue because it is no longer acceptable, and Kuala Lumpur brought together people from all over the world, who are of the same opinion. So this has, I am sure, added to an awareness, and a willingness to invest time in order to make views known. And if that does not hit the headlines today and bring about a change immediately, it may do so tomorrow, and if it is not tomorrow, then the next day.

Silvia Cattori: Voices who, like Mr Jimmy Carter's and Mr John Dugard's denounce the crimes of Israel in Palestine, voices who, like Mr Dennis Halliday's [2] and your own voice put the finger on UN's drifting off course in Iraq, all these voices are demanding for an immense respect. However, these are rare voices, which can be easily marginalised by the political powers. Aren't you disappointed that hardly anybody or only a few people at your level follow your example and take position against these state crimes and abuses?

Hans von Sponeck: Of course, I am disappointed. You know, these days, every day, I am waiting anxiously for a senior American general, a senior American political personality to come out and say: enough is enough, I will not continue to support insanity, I will not go on supporting illegality, I will no longer support policies that have led us into deep difficulties and deep violations of anything that a civilised person should stand for. Of course, one is disappointed, but in view of what has happened during the last few decades, particularly during the years when Mr Bush has been in power, we cannot allow ourselves to be idle. This is an appeal for the international peace movement which should be oriented towards a better coordination, i.e. much better networking, much more combined effort, much more joint declarations. People from all over the world should join hands and demonstrate to themselves and to the larger public that they have the firm intention not to accept what has led us into a world in which the gulf is wide open between those who have nothing – and that is a very, very large majority, over one billion people out of the six and a half billion people on our planet living with less than one dollar a day – and the top ten percent who are living in unimaginable luxury and well being.

This cannot continue. And if some people who listen to our conversation may say 'here is really a very naïve person', and others say 'look this is a communist, terrible, he is asking for equality for everybody', I will tell them 'no, I am not'. First of all I do not think I am naïve, secondly, I do not think I am a communist in the traditional sense. I am a person who, in 32 years of work for the United Nations and beyond, has learned to accept the fact that all of us are not equal, but that all of us should have equal opportunities to develop our own contribution to peace. It is not a question of lack of money, there is plenty of money for everybody but, what is missing is the will to share the resources and to do more than pay lip service to this wonderful body of instruments that has been established by good people after the Second World War. Over the last sixty years, this body has tried to lay the basis for greater justice and for socioeconomic progress for everybody.

Silvia Cattori: All the hope that you feed must make you suffer, as you are well aware that for the Muslim peoples that the West is humiliating, the worst is still to come?

Hans von Sponeck: Of course. If you read and if you see, what is happening in the Middle East, there is no single day on which you do not feel ashamed, you do not feel the humilitation that strikes us when we see these poor people suffering hard, people from Palestine to Iraq and in other parts of the Middle East as well. The human language is not, at least for me, capable of expressing the feelings that I really have. It is horrifying. I come from a country, which experienced and caused this horrible Second World War. It lasted for five years, and we still talk about it. What about the many years in Iraq, thirty years of dictatorship, and thirteen years of sanctions, and now three and a half years of occupation: how much can an individual, how much can a nation endure? And if you see – I think of the universities I visited was in Baghdad, Mustanseriya University, Baghdad College, Baghdad University – that these institutions where young innocent people are supposed to prepare for life, were destroyed by bombs. When I was in Iraq, I saw people living peacefully in integrated neighbourhoods! I never heard a conversation like "I am a Shiite, you are a Sunnite, and you are a Turcoman" at that time.

Baghdad is the largest Kurdish city of the world with over one million Kurds, and there were many problems, for sure, there was a dictator, there were political murderers but, compared with what we see today, that was nothing. The sectarian confrontation that exists now was created by this illegal war. And the threat towards the Al-Maliki government is the limit of dishonesty: "If you do not bring security to Iraq, then we, the Americans, will reconsider to what extend we will continue our support". What is this? Who established these kinds of conditions? Who is responsible for this chaos and the sectarian confrontation?

Silvia Cattori: Western countries condemn Iran that has signed the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, for a bomb that it does not have. They do not condemn Israel that did not sign this treaty, and that has nuclear bombs. Choosing between Israel that does not conceal preparing for waging a pre-emptive nuclear war, and Iran who wants to have a civil nuclear industry, is not Israel the one that is really threatening world peace, and is not Iran the target? How do you react to this denial of justice?

Hans von Sponeck: I have only one immediate response: it is a classical example of a double standard. We have a demand for a nuclear free zone: It is the Security Council's resolution 687 of April 1991 which in paragraph 14, calls for a nuclear free zone for the complete Middle East. Israel has not even signed the Non-Proliferation Treaty. Iran may have intentions that are against the long-term international interests, but Iran has not yet passed the red line. Mister El-Baradei, the director of the International Atomic Agency did not say that Iran had passed that line. All he did was to say that Iran has not fully disclosed, not transparently enough, its intentions and that Iran has put more centrifuges into operation.

But what an extraordinary demonstration of double standards, not to point the finger at Israel and others! What about Pakistan, what about India? And about the US itself which is openly working on a new generation of nuclear weapons, totally in violation of the Non-Proliferation Treaty of which the US is an initiator. So this is a disastrous double standard. If I were an Iranian, I would say: 'Sorry, take yourself measures to put into practice of what you say is the norm and then we can talk, let's sit down at the table, at the same eye level, with no preconditions.'

I accept the Iranian demand for dialogue. I think it is absolutely the right thing to do. Iran says: 'You have a disagreement, so let's meet, but do not come and tell me before I can meet you, that I must have fulfilled certain conditions that you want me to fulfil; I am sorry, we come, we meet, we talk, and we lay the cards on the table. And what we discover when we look at reality is a frightening attempt to keep up a double standard.

Silvia Cattori: What message would you like to give to those political leaders who do not care about human rights who wage wars and violating international and human rights? What message would you like to give to the populations who are, at present, exposed to the terror of occupying states? And what message would you like to give to those who oppose these wars but do not know how to stop them and are grieving over the inaction of the political parties?

Hans von Sponeck: To those who are violating human rights, I would say: You must live with your own guilty conscience, and how can you, in the light of all the evident damage, live with your guilty conscience? Don't you think that there are better ways to protect your interests by at the same time allowing others to benefit from existing opportunities?

To those who are victims and those who are concerned, I would say: Never give up, just try your best, we all live in freedom, as healthy individuals, to make our contribution small as they may be. If we gather for that aim, if we cooperate, if we network, if we try to make our views known to those in power, we can make a contribution. We can use our votes –those of us who live in countries with free elections – let us make use of our votes but not in a mechanical way. For it is a great act of responsibility to cast a vote. Know your political candidates, put pressure on them, hold them accountable, check their records and, when there is a re-election, if you are not satisfied, encourage those who deserve your confidence to run for office. What else can we do?



Tuesday, March 27, 2007 
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Global Ruling Class: Billionaires and How They 'Made It'


Global Research, March 23, 2007

Even as the world's billionaires grew in number from 793 in 2006 to 946 this year, major mass uprisings became commonplace in China and India. In India, which has the highest number of billionaires (36) in Asia with total wealth of $191 billion, Prime Minister Singh declared that the greatest single threat to 'India's security' were the Maoist-led guerrilla armies and mass movements in the poorest parts of the country. In China, with 20 billionaires with $29.4 billion net worth, the new rulers, confronting nearly a hundred thousand reported riots and protests, have increased the number of armed special anti-riot militia a hundred fold, and increased spending for the rural poor by $10 billion in the hopes of lessening the monstrous class inequalities and heading off a mass upheaval.

The total wealth of this global ruling class grew 35 per cent year to year topping $3.5 trillion, while income levels for the lower 55 per cent of the world's 6-billion-strong population declined or stagnated. Put another way, one hundred millionth of the world's population (1/100,000,000) owns more than over 3 billion people. Over half of the current billionaires (523) came from just 3 countries: the US (415), Germany (55) and Russia (53). The 35 per cent increase in wealth mostly came from speculation on equity markets, real estate and commodity trading, rather than from technical innovations, investments in job-creating industries or social services.

Among the newest, youngest and fastest-growing group of billionaires, the Russian oligarchy stands out for its most rapacious beginnings. Over two-thirds (67 per cent) of the current Russian billionaire oligarchs began their concentration of wealth in their mid to early twenties. During the infamous decade of the 1990's under the quasi-dictatorial rule of Boris Yeltsin and his US-directed economic advisers, Anatoly Chubais and Yegor Gaidar the entire Russian economy was put up for sale for a 'political price', which was far below its real value. Without exception, the transfers of property were achieved through gangster tactics ­ assassinations, massive theft, and seizure of state resources, illicit stock manipulation and buyouts. The future billionaires stripped the Russian state of over a trillion dollars worth of factories, transport, oil, gas, iron, coal and other formerly state-owned resources.

Contrary to European and US publicists on the right and left, very few of the top former Communist leaders are found among the current Russian billionaire oligarchy. Secondly, contrary to the spin-masters' claims of 'communist inefficiencies', the former Soviet Union developed mines, factories, energy enterprises were profitable and competitive, before they were taken over by the new oligarchs. This is evident in the massive private wealth that was accumulated in less than a decade by these gangster-businessmen.

Virtually all the billionaires' initial sources of wealth had nothing to do with building, innovating or developing new efficient enterprises. Wealth was not transferred to high Communist Party Commissars (lateral transfers) but was seized by armed private mafias run by recent university graduates who quickly capitalized on corrupting, intimidating or assassinating senior officials in the state and benefiting from Boris Yeltsin's mindless contracting of 'free market' Western consultants.

Forbes magazine puts out a yearly list of the richest individuals and families in the world. What is most amusing about the famous Forbes magazine's background biographical notes on the Russian oligarchs is the constant reference to their source of wealth as 'self-made' as if stealing state property created by and defended for over 70 years by the sweat and blood of the Russian people was the result of the entrepreneurial skills of thugs in their twenties. Of the top eight Russian billionaire oligarchs, all got their start from strong-arming their rivals, setting up 'paper banks' and taking over aluminum, oil, gas, nickel and steel production and the export of bauxite, iron and other minerals. Every sector of the former Communist economy was pillaged by the new billionaires: Construction, telecommunications, chemicals, real estate, agriculture, vodka, foods, land, media, automobiles, airlines etc..

With rare exceptions, following the Yeltsin privatizations all of the oligarchs quickly rose to the top or near the top, literally murdering or intimidating any opponents within the former Soviet apparatus and competitors from rival predator gangs.

The key 'policy' measures, which facilitated the initial pillage and takeovers by the future billionaires, were the vast and immediate privatizations of almost all public enterprises by the Gaidar/Chubais team. This 'Shock Treatment' was encouraged by a Harvard team of economic advisers and especially by US President Clinton in order to make the capitalist transformation irreversible. Privatization led to the capitalist gang wars and the disarticulation of the Russian economy. As a result there was an 80 per cent decline in living standards, a devaluation of the Ruble and the sell-off of invaluable oil, gas and other strategic resources at bargain prices to the rising class of predator billionaires and US-European oil and gas multinational corporations. Over a hundred billion dollars a year was laundered by the mafia oligarchs in the principle banks of New York, London, Switzerland, Israel and elsewhere ­ funds which would later be recycled in the purchase of expensive real estate in the US, England, Spain, France as well as investments in British football teams, Israeli banks and joint ventures in minerals.

The winners of the gang wars during the Yeltsin reign followed up by expanding operations to a variety of new economic sectors, investments in the expansion of existing facilities (especially in real estate, extractive and consumer industries) and overseas. Under President Putin, the gangster-oligarchs consolidated and expanded ­ from multi-millionaires to billionaires, to multi-billionaires and growing. From young swaggering thugs and local swindlers, they became the 'respectable' partners of American and European multinational corporations, according to their Western PR agents. The new Russian oligarchs had 'arrived' on the world financial scene, according to the financial press.

Yet as President Putin recently pointed out, the new billionaires have failed to invest, innovate and create competitive enterprises, despite optimal conditions. Outside of raw material exports, benefiting from high international prices, few of the oligarch-owned manufacturers are earning foreign exchange, because few can compete in international markets. The reason is that the oligarchs have 'diversified' into stock speculation (Suleiman Kerimov $14.4 billion ), (Mikhail Prokhorov $13.5 billion ), banking (Fridman $12.6 billion ) and buyouts of mines and mineral processing plants.

The Western media have focused on the falling out between a handful of Yeltsin-era oligarchs and President Vladimir Putin and the increase in wealth of a number of Putin-era billionaires. However, the biographical evidence demonstrates that there is no rupture between the rise of the billionaires under Yeltsin and their consolidation and expansion under Putin. The decline in mutual murder and the shift to state-regulated competition is as much a product of the consolidation of the great fortunes as it is the 'new rules of the game' imposed by President Putin. In the mid 19th century, Honoré Balzac, surveying the rise of the respectable bourgeois in France, pointed out their dubious origins: "Behind every great fortune is a great crime." The swindles begetting the decades-long ascent of the 19th century French bourgeoisie pale in comparison to the massive pillage and bloodletting that created Russia's 21st century billionaires.

Latin America

If blood and guns were the instruments for the rise of the Russian billionaire oligarchs, in other regions the Market, or better still, the US-IMF-World Bank orchestrated Washington Consensus was the driving force behind the rise of the Latin American billionaires. The two countries with the greatest concentration of wealth and the greatest number of billionaires in Latin America are Mexico and Brazil (77 per cent), which are the two countries, which privatized the most lucrative, efficient and largest public monopolies. Of the total $157.2 billion owned by the 38 Latin American billionaires, 30 are Brazilians or Mexicans with $120.3 billion . The wealth of 38 families and individuals exceeds that of 250 million Latin Americans; 0.000001 per cent of the population exceeds that of the lowest 50 per cent. In Mexico, the income of 0.000001 per cent of the population exceeds the combined income of 40 million Mexicans. The rise of Latin American billionaires coincides with the real fall in minimum wages, public expenditures in social services, labor legislation and a rise in state repression, weakening labor and peasant organization and collective bargaining. The implementation of regressive taxes burdening the workers and peasants and tax exemptions and subsidies for the agro-mineral exporters contributed to the making of the billionaires. The result has been downward mobility for public employees and workers, the displacement of urban labor into the informal sector, the massive bankruptcy of small farmers, peasants and rural labor and the out-migration from the countryside to the urban slums and emigration abroad.

The principal cause of poverty in Latin American is the very conditions that facilitate the growth of billionaires. In the case of Mexico, the privatization of the telecommunication sector at rock bottom prices, resulted in the quadrupling of wealth for Carlos Slim Helu, the third richest man in the world (just behind Bill Gates and Warren Buffet) with a net worth of $49 billion . Two fellow Mexican billionaires, Alfredo Harp Helu and Roberto Hernandez Ramirez benefited from the privatization of banks and their subsequent de-nationalization, selling Banamex to Citicorp.

Privatization, financial de-regulation and de-nationalization were the key operating principles of US foreign economic policies implemented in Latin America by the IMF and the World Bank. These principles dictated the fundamental conditions shaping any loans or debt re-negotiations in Latin America.

The billionaires-in-the-making, came from old and new money. Some began to raise their fortunes by securing government contracts during the earlier state-led development model (1930's to 1970's) and others through inherited wealth. Half of Mexican billionaires inherited their original multi-million dollar fortunes on their way up to the top. The other half benefited from political ties and the subsequent big payola from buying public enterprises cheap and then selling them off to US multi-nationals at great profit. The great bulk of the 12 million Mexican immigrants who crossed the border into the US have fled from the onerous conditions, which allowed Mexico's traditional and nouveaux riche millionaires to join the global billionaires' club.

Brazil has the largest number of billionaires (20) of any country in Latin America with a net worth of $46.2 billion , which is greater than the new worth of 80 million urban and rural impoverished Brazilians. Approximately 40 per cent of Brazilian billionaires started with great fortunes ­ and simply added on ­ through acquisitions and mergers. The so-called 'self-made' billionaires benefited from the privatization of the lucrative financial sector (the Safra family with $8.9 billion ) and the iron and steel complexes.

How to Become a Billionaire

While some knowledge, technical and 'entrepreneurial skills' and market savvy played a small role in the making of the billionaires in Russia and Latin America, far more important was the interface of politics and economics at every stage of wealth accumulation.

In most cases there were three stages:

1. During the early 'statist' model of development, the current billionaires successfully 'lobbied' and bribed officials for government contracts, tax exemptions, subsidies and protection from foreign competitors. State handouts were the beachhead or take-off point to billionaire status during the subsequent neo-liberal phase.

2. The neo-liberal period provided the greatest opportunity for seizing lucrative public assets far below their market value and earning capacity. The privatization, although described as 'market transactions', were in reality political sales in four senses: in price, in selection of buyers, in kickbacks to the sellers and in furthering an ideological agenda. Wealth accumulation resulted from the sell-off of banks, minerals, energy resources, telecommunications, power plants and transport and the assumption by the state of private debt. This was the take-off phase from millionaire toward billionaire status. This was consummated in Latin America via corruption and in Russia via assassination and gang warfare.

3. During the third phase (the present) the billionaires have consolidated and expanded their empires through mergers, acquisitions, further privatizations and overseas expansion. Private monopolies of mobile phones, telecoms and other 'public' utilities, plus high commodity prices have added billions to the initial concentrations. Some millionaires became billionaires by selling their recently acquired, lucrative privatized enterprises to foreign capital.

In both Latin America and Russia, the billionaires grabbed lucrative state assets under the aegis of orthodox neo-liberal regimes (Salinas-Zedillo regimes in Mexico, Collor-Cardoso in Brazil, Yeltsin in Russia) and consolidated and expanded under the rule of supposedly 'reformist' regimes (Putin in Russia, Lula in Brazil and Fox in Mexico). In the rest of Latin America (Chile, Colombia and Argentina) the making of the billionaires resulted from the bloody military coups and regimes, which destroyed the socio-political movements and started the privatization process. This process was then even more energetically promoted by the subsequent electoral regimes of the right and 'center-left'.

What is repeatedly demonstrated in both Russia and Latin America is that the key factor leading to the quantum leap in wealth ­ from millionaires to billionaires ­ was the vast privatization and subsequent de-nationalization of lucrative public enterprises.

If we add to the concentration of $157 billion in the hands of an infinitesimal fraction of the elite, the $990 billion taken out by the foreign banks in debt payments and the $1 trillion (one thousand billion) taken out by way of profits, royalties, rents and laundered money over the past decade and a half, we have an adequate framework for understanding why Latin America continues to have over two-thirds of its population with inadequate living standards and stagnant economies.

The responsibility of the US for the growth of Latin American billionaires and mass poverty is several-fold and involves a wide gamut of political institutions, business elites, and academic and media moguls. First and foremost the US backed the military dictators and neo-liberal politicians who set up the billionaire-oriented economic models. It was ex-President Clinton, the CIA and his economic advisers, in alliance with the Russian oligarchs, who provided the political intelligence and material support to put Yeltsin in power and back his destruction of the Russian Parliament (Duma) in 1993 and the rigged elections of 1996. And it was Washington, which allowed hundreds of billions of dollars to be laundered in US banks throughout the 1990's as the US Congressional Sub-Committee on Banking (1998) revealed.

It was Nixon, Kissinger and later Carter and Brzezinski, Reagan and Bush, Clinton and Albright who backed the privatizations pushed by Latin American military dictators and civilian reactionaries in the 1970's, 1980's and 1990's . Their instructions to the US representatives in the IMF and the World Bank were writ large: Privatize, de-regulate and de-nationalize (PDD) before any loans should be negotiated.

It was US academics and ideologues working hand in glove with the so-called multi-lateral agencies, as contracted economic consultants, who trained, designed and pushed the PDD agenda among their former Ivy League students-turned-economic and finance ministers and Central Bankers in Latin America and Russia.

It was US and EU multi-national corporations and banks which bought out or went into joint ventures with the emerging Latin American billionaires and who reaped the trillion dollar payouts on the debts incurred by the corrupt military and civilian regimes. The billionaires are as much a product and/or by-product of US anti-nationalist, anti-communist policies as they are a product of their own grandiose theft of public enterprises.

Conclusion

Given the enormous class and income disparities in Russia, Latin America and China (20 Chinese billionaires have a net worth of $29.4 billion in less than ten years), it is more accurate to describe these countries as 'surging billionaires' rather than 'emerging markets' because it is not the 'free market' but the political power of the billionaires that dictates policy.

Countries of 'surging billionaires' produce burgeoning poverty, submerging living standards. The making of billionaires means the unmaking of civil society ­ the weakening of social solidarity, protective social legislation, pensions, vacations, public health programs and education. While politics is central, past political labels mean nothing. Ex-Marxist Brazilian ex-President Cardoso and ex-trade union leader President Lula Da Silva privatized public enterprises and promoted policies that spawn billionaires. Ex-Communist Putin cultivates certain billionaire oligarchs and offers incentives to others to shape up and invest.

The period of greatest decline in living standards in Latin America and Russia coincide with the dismantling of the nationalist populist and communist economies. Between 1980-2004, Latin America ­ more precisely Brazil, Argentina and Mexico ­ stagnated at 0 per cent to 1 per cent per capita growth. Russia saw a 50 per cent decline in GNP between 1990-1996 and living standards dropped 80 per cent for everyone except the predators and their gangster entourages.

Recent growth (2003-2007), where it occurs, has more to do with the extraordinary rise in international prices (of energy resources, metals and agro-exports) than any positive developments from the billionaire-dominated economies. The growth of billionaires is hardly a sign of 'general prosperity' resulting from the 'free market' as the editors of Forbes Magazine claim. In fact it is the product of the illicit seizure of lucrative public resources, built up by the work and struggle of millions of workers, in Russia and China under Communism and in Latin America during populist-nationalist and democratic-socialist governments. Many billionaires have inherited wealth and used their political ties to expand and extend their empires ­ it has little to do with entrepreneurial skills.

The billionaires' and the White House's anger and hostility toward President Hugo Chavez of Venezuela is precisely because he is reversing the policies which create billionaires and mass poverty: He is re-nationalizing energy resources, public utilities and expropriating some large landed estates. Chavez is not only challenging US hegemony in Latin America but also the entire PDD edifice that built the economic empires of the billionaires in Latin America, Russia, China and elsewhere.

The primary data for this essay is drawn from Forbes Magazine 's "List of the World's Billionaires" published March 8, 2007.

James Petras most recent book is The Power of Israel in the United States.(clarity 2006 third printing) His essays in English can be found at www.petras.lahaine.org  and in Spanish at www.rebellion.org



Wednesday, March 14, 2007 
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The Middle East and the Making of the United States, 1776 to 1815

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Speech by Michael B. Oren, BA '77, MIA '78

Senior Fellow, The Shalem Center

Delivered at Columbia University, Nov. 3

Just over twenty years ago, when I was a graduate student in Middle East Studies, I heard a lecture on a group of Civil War veterans, Northerners and Confederates, who had served as advisors to the Egyptian army in the late 1860s and 1870s. Not only did they modernize Egypt's defenses, the professor said, but they also built schoolhouses to teach literacy to Egyptian soldiers and their children. I was stunned. Like most Americans, I assumed that our country's involvement in the Middle East began shortly after World War II, with the advent of the Cold War, the expansion of Gulf oil production, and the emergence of the Arab-Israeli conflict. It never occurred to me that the United States was interacting substantively with the Middle East in the middle of the nineteenth century, and perhaps earlier.

I went on to devote my academic career to the history of the State of Israel and the diplomacy of the Arab-Israeli conflict. Yet, throughout, I maintained this closeted fascination with the history of America in the Middle East. I was fascinated by the diplomatic and military dimensions of that history -- did you know, for example, that U.S. Marines landed no less than four times in the Middle East in the nineteenth century alone? -- as well as by cultural history, by the impact of the Middle East on the writings of Washington Irving and Herman Melville, on Emerson and Mark Twain.

I found that America's involvement in the Middle East followed distinct patterns, three themes that I later labeled Power, Faith and Fantasy. Power referred to the search for economic and strategic advantages in the Middle East. Faith related to the role of religion, in particular Protestantism, in America's Middle East interaction. And fantasy pertained to the contribution of popular myths about the Middle East in the formation of American perceptions of, and policies toward, the region.

I was still studying these themes of Power, Faith and Fantasy on 9/11, when, suddenly America's relations with the Middle East were transformed from a focus of academic curiosity into a matter of national survival. Suddenly, issues arising from that relationship -- Homeland Security, Iranian nuclear plans -- dominated the headlines. Yet, it seemed to me, that in confronting these monumental challenges in the Middle East, Americans had very little sense of their legacy in the region. Thus, one night shortly after 9/11, when my good friend and editor Bob Weil asked me, as an historian, what was the one book that had yet to be written but must, I didn't hesitate a second.

The only question was: where to begin? I considered opening my study with the journey of John Ledyard, the first American to explore the Middle East in the late 1780s. Or with the first American missionaries to the Middle East, who left Boston in 1819. Only when I started researching in depth did I realize that the roots of the relationship went deeper still -- to the bedrock of American independence and identity -- and that the Middle East played a formative role in the making of the United States.

America's involvement in the Middle East, I learned, began on one July 4 th nearly 230 years ago, when the United States suddenly faced the world -- and the Middle East -- alone.

Prior to that day, American merchant ships had safely sailed the oceans, confident of the protection of history's greatest navy – Britain's -- 800 warships strong. That safeguard was especially important for Americans, most of whom were concentrated along the eastern seaboard with its deep water ports and excellent shipbuilding timber -- a seafaring people heavily dependent on foreign trade.

America's maritime lifeline led south to the West Indies but also must further to east, to the Mediterranean, stretching from Gibraltar to the Levantine and Anatolian coasts. This was one of the few regions not already dominated by one of Europe's mercantile empires, where an enterprising American could sell New World items like lumber, tobacco and tools for Oriental delicacies such as caper, figs and raisins. An especially brisk business surrounded the exchange New England rum -- "Boston Particular" -- for Turkish opium, that these descendants of the Puritans conveyed eastward to Canton or brought back to the United States to be ground up into home remedies. By the 1770s, Mediterranean was absorbing 1/5 of all American exports, shipped in about 100 hulls annually. "Go where you will," one British businessman in the area grumbled, "there is hardly a petty harbor…but you will find a Yankee boiling his oil….[and] driving a hard bargain with the natives."

But America did face one threat in the Mediterranean, and it came from the Middle East. It came, specifically, from the North African region of the Middle East known in Arabic, ironically, as al-Maghreb -- the West. The area embraced four states -- the independent empire of Morocco and the three semi-autonomous Ottoman provinces or regencies of Tunis, Algiers and Tripoli (that is, present day Libya). All four were pirate kingdoms, known to the West, derisively if not timorously, as the Barbary States.

For about 600 years, from the thirteenth to the seventeenth centuries, the pirates or corsairs of Barbary preyed on European commerce, taking thousands of prisoners, and selling them as slaves in the mines or the galleys. European women were especially prized for their light complexions, fetching premium prices in the harems. Though prisoners could, in theory, be ransomed, the going rates for redemption were invariably high. The lives of most of the slaves, by contrast, were brutal, cruel and mercifully short.

Early colonial Americans also fell victim to pirate attacks, the first being recorded in 1628, only eight years after the Plymouth landing, with recurrences throughout the century. Of the 390 English captives ransomed from Algiers in 1680, eleven were residents of New England and New York. Such incidents diminished, however, over the course of the eighteenth century, as Europe surged ahead of the Middle East technologically and militarily, and as Britain developed its unprecedented and unparalleled naval power.

For the Great Powers of Europe -- France as well as Britain -- the pirates were little more than a nuisance, scarcely worth a broadside, much less a war. Instead of fighting Barbary, the Powers developed the practice of paying them tribute, basically bribes of gold, jewels, and manufactured goods. By paying tribute, the Powers not only rid themselves of Barbary's gadfly, but also redirected against their weaker competitors -- Portugal, Denmark, Spain and, after July 1776, the United States of America.

America was indeed on its own. The British naval juggernaut the once protected America's merchant fleet was now its mortal enemy. With virtually no navy to speak of, the United States could barely protect its own coast, much less its overseas trade. American merchants were vulnerable from the moment they left their moorings, and helpless on the high seas.

Nevertheless, with the help of intrepid captains like John Paul Jones and the assistance of the French navy, the United States managed to muddle through the War of Independence. Still, by the time the fighting ended in 1783, all of the Continental Navy's gunboats had either been captured, sunk or sold. America had not one warship, but Algiers, alone, had more than fifty. "The Americans cannot protect themselves [from Barbary]" wrote Lord Sheffield, a notorious opponent of American independence. "They cannot pretend to a Navy."

Lord Sheffield was right. In a single six-month period between 1783 and 1784, the Barbary states sacked three American vessels. The crewmen were paraded down the streets of Fez and Algiers, pelted with rotten vegetables and offal, and thrown before the emperor or the pasha who reportedly told them, "I'll make you eat stones, Christian dogs," and then sold them to the highest bidders.

The Middle East or the Orient, as it was then called, had long been known to Americans as hostile area. Anti-Islamic tracts with names like "The Nature of the Impostor Mohamat" were widely circulated throughout the colonies. But, in addition posing challenges to America's faith, the Middle East also played to its fantasies. Many of these originated in the second most popular volume, after the Bible, found on the colonial bookshelf, that collection of medieval Persian tales known as A Thousand and One Arabian Nights, with its images of minaret orbiting carpets and veiled but available odalisques.

The Barbary issue was not about faith, however, or fantasy, but simply about power. The pirate attacks drove up insurance rates and deterred foreign merchants from shipping on American bottoms. The country's economy, already fragile, reeled. Returning from peace talks with Britain, Benjamin Franklin's ship was nearly seized by Algerians-- in the Atlantic. "If there were no Algiers, it would be worth England's while to build one," Franklin quipped. And when Foreign Secretary John Jay left to continue those talks, the government purposely sent him on a European ship.

Panicking, American leaders appealed to their erstwhile allies, the French. The 1778 treaty with France specifically committed the French to aid America in the event that its ships were attacked by Barbary, but remembering suddenly France's own mercantile interests in the Mediterranean, Paris simply ignored America's request.

America was once again on its own, facing a fundamental threat not only to its economy and international standing, but to its very existence as a state. For the United States not only lacked gunboats, it lacked the legal means for creating one. It lacked a basic constitutional framework for defending itself.

Loosely linked under the Articles of Confederation, the thirteen states were incapable of raising taxes, much less a standing navy. Many Americans, moreover, didn't want a navy. They had had bad experience with one navy – Britain's -- and didn't like the idea of a warships sailing so close to their still-delicate democratic institutions.

Navies, moreover, were fantastically expensive to build, and groaning under a terrible war debt, the United States was in little position to finance one.

Under the circumstances, many Founding Fathers agreed with John Adams that America was better off paying off the pirates than trying to fight them -- or, as Adams said, it was better to give "one Gift of two hundred Thousand Pounds" than to risk "a Million [in trade] annually."

Adams, in fact, grossly underestimated the cost. When, in March 1786, he met in London with the emissary of Tripoli's Pasha, a gentleman named 'Abd al-Rahman al-'Ajar, Adams was told that the Barbary states considered themselves at war with the United States and that the price of ending that conflict was $1 million -- about a tenth of America's yearly budget.

The Barbary crisis would not be last in which American leaders would have to grapple with the issue of piracy and hostage-taking in the Middle East. But uniquely, this first crisis raised fundamental questions about the nature, identity, and viability of the United States. Would the states survive if they tried to address the danger individually or could they join in an effective defense? Would Americans imitate Europe and bribe the pirates, or would they create a revolutionary precedent and fight them?

The answers to those questions may seem obvious today, but two and a quarter centuries ago they must definitely were not. "It will not be an easy matter to bring the American States to act as a nation," Lord Sheffield taunted. " America cannot retaliate."

One figure among the Founding Fathers, more than any other, strove to resolve those questions, and his name was Thomas Jefferson.

Jefferson has not fared well this past decade. He has provided a target for both conservative and radical historians -- castigated for his support for democracy and equal rights, on the one hand, and for his slave-owning on the other; for his love of the bloody French revolution but his apparent faintheartedness in battle, for the lip-service he paid to the common man and his irrepressible snobbery.

Jefferson, clearly, was a man of contradictions, and on few issues were those contradictions more pronounced than on Barbary. The same Jefferson who supported the plundering of British merchant ships by Americans during the Revolution, deplored the North Africans for committing similar aggression against American vessels. The owner of African-American slaves, one of whom, Sally Hemmings, he likely exploited sexually, he could not abide the thought of Africans possessing white people and selling American women to harems. The same Jefferson who warned against constructing warships liable "to sink us under them," could, in another breath, say "we ought to begin a naval power, if we mean to carry our own commerce."

On one subject, though, Jefferson was thoroughly consistent. He believed that the "temper," as he called it, of the American people, made them physically resistant to blackmail -- that they would rather "raise ships and men to fight the pirates into reason than money to bribe them." Jefferson was convinced that the leaders of Barbary, being tyrants, would never fulfill their obligations under any treaty, and that the more American paid them off, the more they would sense America's weakness and demand more. To avoid that danger, Jefferson sought to instill what he termed "an erect and independent attitude" into American foreign policy -- an attitude that was inconsistent with paying tribute.

In 1786, Jefferson was serving as America's minister to France, and in that capacity, he came up with the idea of forming an international coalition, together with the European Powers, to combat Barbary. He even got his old friend, the Marquis de Lafayette, to place the proposal before the various European courts. The Europeans, though, while roundly applauding the idea, just went on paying tribute. The French rejected the very notion of coalition. Jefferson concluded that, if were to attain peace, the United States had to act unilaterally.

Congress, though, thought differently, and in the summer of 1786, it instructed Jefferson to join Adams in London for one more try at negotiating with Tripoli's envoy, 'Abd al-Rahman. The pair reiterated America's desire for peace with all of the Barbary states, but 'Abd al-Rahman simply repeated his demand for $1 million and then, in a speech that will sound familiar to most Americans today, he proceeded to shock these founding fathers:

"[I]t was …written in the Koran, that all Nations who should not have acknowledged their [the Muslims'] authority were sinners, that it was their right and duty to make war upon whoever they could be found, and to make Slaves of all they could take as prisoners, and that every Mussulman who should be slain in battle was sure to go to Paradise." (From Jefferson's report to Congress).

On the basis of these remarks, Adams concluded that there was no use in negotiating with the North Africans, but neither could the United States resist them. "We ought not to fight them [the Barbary States] at all unless we determine to fight them forever. This though, I fear, is too rugged for our people to bear." Adams' solution, then, was to offer a small bribe to the pirates and hope that it satisfied them. But not Jefferson -- he still insisted that the American people would fight, if only given the option.

But they would not. Congress again ordered Adams and Jefferson to negotiate, this time with Morocco. The sultan, Sidi Muhammad bin 'Abdallah, claimed to have been the first monarch to recognize American independence in December 1777, but he also claimed that American had insulted him by not paying him tribute and so he joined the other Barbary States in attacking American ships.

Sidi Muhammad, Jefferson and Adams found out, was willing to suspend those assaults for a mere $20,000 dollars -- that is many millions of dollars in today's currency -- and in return to grant the U.S. consular privileges in Tangiers. Indeed, the U.S. consulate in Tangiers is today America's oldest diplomatic building abroad -- its only overseas official national landmark. The treaty signed by Jefferson and Adams with Morocco is America's second oldest, and the only to bear signatures in Arabic and the Muslim date.

Yet, if Congress thought that the treaty with Morocco would bring them peace with North Africa, it was sorely mistaken. The other Barbary states quickly concluded that the best way to get America to pay up was to waylay its ships and only then negotiate. The result was that, in 1787 alone, eleven American vessels were plundered and 121 American sailors taken hostage by Algiers alone. The Dey of Algiers now demanded a $1 million ransom for his American prisoners, plus a portrait of George Washington, whom he purportedly admired. "Would to Heaven we had a navy to reform those enemies to mankind," Washington replied, "or crush them into non-existence."

The question of whether the United States would ever have a navy, whether it could ever attain the unity necessary to defend itself, compelled delegates from twelve of the thirteen states to convene in Philadelphia in the spring of 1787. They came to discuss the possibility of replacing the Articles of Confederation with a more binding and effective national charter -- a debate that would take place against the backdrop of captured American cargoes and crews. Washington, though, the honorary chairman of this Constitutional Convention, feared that the Barbary issue would prove too devise and asked that all discussion of it be delayed until after the constitution was drafted. Consequently, the question of creating a navy scarcely appears in James Madison's record of the proceedings. The issue does appear, however, and in startling abundance, in the records of the constitutional ratification debates subsequently held in each state.

The Reverend Thomas Thacher reminded the Massachusetts Convention that the fact that "our sailors are enslaved in Algiers is enough to convince the most skeptical among us, of the want of general government," while Nathaniel Sargeant said it was "preposterous…for us to think of going on under ye old Confederation" and still face "piracies and felonies on ye high seas." The connection between Barbary and the Constitution was not only made in New England, with its extensive maritime interests, but also in the South, and by delegates totally uninvolved with trade. Hugh Williamson of North Carolina, a distinguished physician and astronomer, wondered "What is there to prevent an Algerine Pirate from landing on your coast, and carrying your citizens into slavery?" and Kentucky attorney George Nicholas asked "May not the Algerines seize our vessels? Cannot they…pillage our ships and destroy our commerce, without subjecting themselves to any inconvenience?" The only answer, both Williamson and Nicholas averred, was union.

And still, the debate was bitter and tough. To tip the scales, Virginian James Madison joined with two Columbia alumni from New York, John Jay and Alexander Hamilton, in producing a series of essays that later anthologized as The Federalist Papers. In these, Hamilton stressed that the United States was in large measure a seafaring nation and could not survive without a navy and the central government needed to make one. Madison, even more expressly, affirmed that union, alone, could preserve the nation's "maritime strength" from "the rapacious demands of pirates and barbarians" -- a clear reference to North Africa. Jay did not refer to the Barbary threat in his essays, but his private papers deposited here, at Columbia, reveal that he actually welcomed the pirate attacks, that "the more we are ill-treated abroad the more we shall unite and consolidate at home," and rally against "the… dangers from Sallee Rovers, Algerian Corsairs, and the Pirates of Tunis and Tripoli."

An even more imaginative attempt to marshal the Middle East in defense of Constitutionalism -- one that I chanced upon in the Library of Congress -- was a book by one Peter Markoe -- or "Peter the Poet," as he was known, of Philadelphia. The book was called The Algerine Spy in Pennsylvania, and it purported to be the collected dispatches of Mehmet, an agent sent by Algiers to scout out America's defenses. After rhapsodizing about the extraordinary political and economic freedoms enjoyed by Americans, Mehmet exults in the fact that, "[T]otally ruined by disunion and faction," the states "may be plundered without the least risqué, and their young men and maidens triumphantly carried into captivity." The spy also commends transforming Rhode Island, the only state to boycott the Convention, into a local base for Algerian operations, the equivalent of an "Ottoman Malta."

These federalist works eventually helped achieve the Constitution's ratification in March 1789, and empowered the central government to make war and to "provide and maintain a navy" (Article 2, Section 2). A threat from the Middle East had played a concrete role in making the United States a truly United States, a consolidated nation capable of defending not only its borders at home but its vital economic interests overseas.

Yet the question remained whether Americans would actually use their newly forged federal powers. A vocal portion of the public still recoiled from the notion of maintaining a large standing navy and engaging in foreign conflicts. The answer was: not yet.

Thomas Jefferson had to grapple with that reluctance. By 1790 he was back in the United States and serving as the Secretary of State under Washington. He recommended that the U.S. go to war against Barbary, but Congress turned him down and again instructed him once again to purchase peace. A dispirited Jefferson tried, sending emissary after emissary to the Middle East. Most of them died on route; all of them failed.

By the end of 1793, the Algerian ransom demand had risen to $2 million, and American ships were practically driven out of the Mediterranean. But in the United States, among those same people whose "temper" Jefferson claimed to understand, a change was occurring. Americans were disgusted with their government's impotence. Poems and novels were published, and plays performed, stressing the shame that America had incurred by its inaction.

Prodded by this criticism, Congress in January 1794 -- five years after the Constitution and eighteen after independence -- finally agreed to consider creating a navy. It was far, far from a done deal. At issue, once again, was whether navies were too expensive to build, whether they would only embroil the country in European wars and endanger American democracy. "Bribery alone can purchase security from the Algerines," argued Abraham Baldwin of Georgia, and Virginian John Nicholas conceded "we are no match for the Algerines at sea." New Jersey's Abraham Clark warned that Americans would have to hire "a Secretary of [the] Navy, and a swarm of other people in office," and that "the Combined [European] powers would find [an American fleet] a much better pretense for war." To minimize America's risks and expenses, Clark proposed that Portugal be hired to fight the pirates.

William Vans Murray of Maryland rose to counter these arguments rose, recalling that the corsairs had "been at war with the United States ever since the end of the Revolutionary war," and had left Americans no choice but to fight. Fisher Ames from Massachusetts, a champion of unrestricted trade, cried "Our commerce is on the point of being annihilated, and, unless an armament is fitted out, we may very soon expect the Algerines on the coast of America."

In the end, the matter was decided not by economic or even constitutional considerations, but by the basic fact that Americans could no longer stomach North African extortion -- by pride. On March 27, 1794, Washington signed into law a bill authorizing an outlay of $688,888.82 for the building of six frigates "adequate for the protection of the commerce of the United States against Algerian corsairs." The United States Navy thus was born, a contentious but ultimately honorable birth, intended not to rule the waves but to free them.

But America did not free itself from piracy -- not yet. Bogged down in federal bureaucracy and inter-state rivalry, the frigate building project took years to complete, and even when the first ships were christened, Americans were still wary of going to war.

Instead, on September 5, 1795, America signed a Treaty of Amity and Friendship with Algiers. In return for releasing American prisoners, the Algerian ruler would receive a long list of gifts -- "25 chests of tea of 4 different qualities…6 Quintal of loaf sugar refined…Some elegant penknives. Some small guilt thimbles, scissor cases…a few shawls, with roses curiously wrought in them…." worth more than $650,000. Worse than that, though, the U.S. also agreed to provide Algiers with cannons, gunpowder and a 36-gun made-in-America warship -- in essence, the very tools of piracy.

The other regencies caught on, and soon Tunis and Tripoli had extracted similar concessions -- so many, in fact, that by 1800, the United States was paying out 20% of all its federal revenues to North Africa.

The ultimate humiliation occurred when the first American warship to enter the Mediterranean, the George Washington, captained by William Bainbridge, was forced at cannon-point to carry Algiers's tribute, including 150 sheep, 25 cows, five horses, and four each of antelopes, tigers and lions, to Istanbul .

This was the woeful situation that greeted Thomas Jefferson at his inauguration in 1801. On assuming office, new President made a list of his foreign policy priorities. The Barbary issue -- the Middle East -- was number one. But the pirates didn't give Jefferson much of a chance to act on that list. On May 14, 1801, Tripoli became the first foreign state to formally declare war against an independent United States.

Jefferson responded by sending three separate squadrons against Tripoli, and each expedition proved more disastrous than the previous.

In spite of some early victories against pirate vessels, an American landing party was ambushed, with fifteen killed -- the first American servicemen to be killed in action overseas -- and then the pride of the fleet, the USS Philadelphia, commanded by that same hapless William Bainbridge, foundered on a reef and all 308 of its crewmembers were imprisoned by Tripoli.

Some of the sting of this setback was mitigated by a young swashbuckler named Stephen Decatur -- also known as the coiner of the expression "my country right or wrong" -- who managed to infiltrate Tripoli harbor and set the Philadelphia alight. The action was praised by Lord Nelson as one of the most daring in naval history. But then an attempt to blow Tripoli's fleet out of the water using a small vessel crammed with explosives -- basically a boat bomb -- failed when the charge ignited early and killed the eleven Americans manning it. By 1805, the American commodore Edward Preble had to admit frustration, if not defeat. This young United States, in its first foreign engagement, was humiliated before the world.

Redressing that disgrace was work of one man -- an extraordinary, impossible man, to whom I could easily dedicate an entire lecture. He's soon to be the subject of a major Hollywood movie, Tripoli, with Keanu Reeves in the leading role.

William Eaton had attended Dartmouth, majoring in Greek and Latin and learning to throw a knife 80 feet with deadly accuracy. A veteran of the Continental Army and of Indian fighting under Gen. Mad Anthony Wayne, Eaton was pugnacious, adventure loving man who's big break came in 1799, when he was appointed America's first consul to Tunis.

The luster of the job vanished, though, when Eaton realized that his main task was to deliver tribute to Tunis and meet the every-rising demands of its rulers for more. "Genius of my country!" he wrote. "How art thou prostrate! Are we then reduced to…bartering our national glory for the forbearance of a Barbary pirate?" Combatively he concluded, "There is but one language which can be held to these people," and this is terror."

Eaton proposed landing 1,000 marines in Tunis and conquering the capital, but Secretary of State Madison turned that down. Eaton then came up with a solution for Tripoli. He would support a coup by the exiled brother of the pasha and install a pro-American government in Libya -- essentially a regime change. Madison rejected that, too, saying the United States had a policy of non-interference in the internal affairs of other states. Eaton would not give up, though. The pirates, he predicted, would soon start raiding U.S. shores, abducting women and young boys. Americans might as well start dressing as slaves.

Resolving to act alone, he found the exiled brother, Hamid, in Egypt, and together with nine U.S. Marines and a mercenary force of 400, did what no military commander since antiquity had even contemplated. He marched 500 miles over the sun-hammered Western desert to attack Tripoli's second-largest city, Darna, by surprise. It was a brutal pitched battle, and Eaton was severely wounded, but he took the city and prepared to march on Tripoli itself. The pasha, though, sensing the danger, capitulated. He released the Philadelphia prisoners and hastily concluded a peace treaty with Jefferson.

In December 1805, Jefferson informed Congress that "the states on the coast of Barbary seem generally disposed at present to respect our peace and friendship." In fact, it would take another naval expedition to humble Barbary. In 1815, Stephen Decatur led a fleet into the harbors of Tripoli, Tunis and Algiers, and presented each with a choice between "powder and balls" or treaties foreswearing piracy. All three regencies signed.

By the time of Thomas Jefferson's death, on his nation's fiftieth birthday, the United States was a recognized naval power, capable both of protecting its shores as well as of maintaining a permanent squadron in the Mediterranean.

Was it worth it? Economically speaking, no. In financial terms, the war against Tripoli alone cost more than all the tribute America paid to all four Barbary States between 1801 and 1805. But as Jefferson sensed back in the 1780s, the war was never about money alone. It was, rather, about attaining an "erect and independent attitude" in U.S. foreign policy. It was about America.

Over the years, and especially since 9/11, there has been popular tendency to view the Barbary Wars as an adumbration of the current War on Terror -- as if North Africa were Afghanistan or Iraq, and the pirates were bin Laden and al-Qaeda.

I admit that I, too, was struck by the coincidence that part of the U.S. fleet that fought against Tripoli in August, 1801, sailed out from Lower Manhattan, just a few blocks from where, almost two hundred years later to the date, Islamic extremists attacked the United States. I couldn't help but note that one of first national monuments to be closed to the public after 9/11 -- and to remain closed for many months afterward -- was the USS Constitution in Boston Harbor. The ship was specifically targeted by al-Qaeda for its role in bombarding Tripoli.

Still, I think it's wise to avoid striking facile comparisons. Though the Barbary Wars can clearly teach us a great deal about resisting terror, especially in the early days of the Republic, I believe they provide us with an even deeper understanding into the Middle East's role in the making of the United States.

Faced with a dire threat from the Middle East, thirteen former colonies were compelled to coalesce into a consolidated nation. They were forced to create power by pooling their resources, to project that power far from America's shores. By choosing to fight rather than conciliate Barbary, Americans further distinguished themselves from Europe, and sharpened their perception of a unique national character and fate. Through the crucible of this thirty-year conflict, the United States defined itself.

The legacy of the Barbary Wars lives on in America -- in Preble Country, Ohio, in Eaton, New York, and on Bainbridge Street, Philadelphia, as well as in the twenty-odd municipalities named for Stephen Decatur. U.S. Marines still hymn "to the shores of Tripoli," and brandish a scimitar-shaped sword. The most prominent symbol of the war, however, is perhaps the least recognized. First composed for Bainbridge and Decatur in 1805, and set to old English drinking tune, the anthem for which Americans rise at ballgames and other public occasions originally described "turbaned heads bowed" to the "brow of the brave" and "the star-spangled flag of our nation." Only after the Battle of Fort McHenry in the War of 1812 were the lyrics revised by their author, Francis Scott Key.

Yet, the legacy of America's involvement in the Middle East is hardly confined to place names or even to the national anthem. It is a heritage not only of war but also of education and literature, of economic development and humanitarian relief. Americans, as they confront an uncertain future in the region, should, I believe, regain an appreciation of their rich Middle Eastern past.

For well over two hundred years, Americans have met challenges in the Middle East, and not solely with "powder and balls," to quote Decatur, both also with books and medicines, relief packages and irrigation pipes -- with their power, occasionally, but sometimes with their fantasies, and most often of all, with their faith.

http://www.columbia.edu/cu/news/05/11/michaelOren.html

Sunday, March 11, 2007 
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Iran and the Congo's Vanishing Uranium Bars


Global Research, March 11, 2007

A mysterious Congo vanishing uranium bars incident has emerged, coinciding with a decisive International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) Board of governors meeting in Vienna on March 5-8, regarding Iran's nuclear program. 

According to Kinshasa's Le Phare newspaper (March 7), "more than 100 bars of uranium as well as an unknown quantity of uranium contained in helmet-shaped cases, had disappeared from the nuclear centre in Kinshasa as part of a vast trafficking [operation]" Le Phare, 8 March 2007, Le Phare, 7 March 2007

The Democratic Republic of the Congo's Commissioner for atomic energy Professor Fortunat Lumu and his associate were arrested over allegations of uranium smuggling.  The Congo's state prosecutor, Tshimanga Mukeba said that Lumu is being "questioned regarding  the alleged disappearance of unspecified quantities of uranium in recent years."  He is accused of  "orchestrating illicit contracts to produce and sell uranium". (BBC, 8 March 2007) 

The IAEA is also said to be "investigating the situation". While the names of the alleged buyers were not revealed, the presumption within the Western media, based to an "authoritative" August 2006 Sunday Times report, which is quoted profusely in syndicated press reports, IS that Tehran might be behind the uranium smuggling operation. 

Iraq, Iran, Niger, The Congo, yellow cake, missing uranium 238 bars. 

A feeling of déjà vu. 

Remember the Niger uranium yellow cake, which was used as a pretext to wage war on Iraq. 

Ironically, on the day Professor Lumu was arrested for alleged smuggling of uranium 238 (natural uranium) in Kinshasa, back in the US, former Cheney chief of staff  I. Lewis "Scooter" Libby was being convicted by a federal grand jury on multiple counts of perjury and obstruction of justice in relation to the Niger "yellow cake" operation. 

According to US media reports, Bush's adviser Karl Rove and former Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage were also involved. In fact, the missing uranium bars scandal in the Congo coincided chronologically with the final days of the Scooter Libby trial.  

As confirmed in the trial proceedings, the yellow cake story was a fabrication triggered by forged documents which described Saddam Hussein as buying "yellow cake" from Niger allegedly for the production of a nuclear bomb.  Libby was acting on the orders of Vice President Dick Cheney, who is widely believed to have instigated the "yellow cake" psyop.  

Déjà Vu?

Are we dealing with a similar fabricated Psyop in the case of the alleged missing Congo uranium bars, which could at some later date be used as a pretext directed against Iran? 

Last August, at the height of Israel's criminal bombing of Lebanon during which radioactive bunker buster bombs were dropped on civilians, Britain's Sunday Times, citing an authoritative UN source dated July 18, 2005, reported that uranium 238 had been smuggled out the Lubumbashi mines in the Congo. According to Tanzanian customs officials quoted by the Sunday Times,  it was "destined for the Iranian port of Bandar Abbas".  The radioactive shipment had apparently been intercepted in Dar Es Salaam in October of 2005 "during a routine check." 

According to the Sunday Times report entitled "Iran's plot to mine uranium in Africa", "there is no doubt"  that huge quantities of uranium 238 were smuggled out of the Congo. In the same article, the Sunday Times asserts, without evidence, that Iran supported terror cells in the UK which "may be prepared to mount attacks against nuclear power plants in Britain. Intelligence circulating in Whitehall suggests that sleeper cells linked to Tehran have been conducting reconnaissance at some nuclear sites in preparation for a possible attack."

The [Tanzanian] customs officer, who spoke to The Sunday Times on condition he was not named, added: "The container [of smuggled uranium bars] was put in a secure part of the port and it was later taken away, by the Americans, I think, or at least with their help. We have all been told not to talk to anyone about this." 

The report by the UN investigation team was submitted to the chairman of the UN sanctions committee, Oswaldo de Rivero, at the end of July and will be considered soon by the security council.
...

The mine has officially been closed since 1961, before the country's independence from Belgium, but the UN investigators have told the security council that they found evidence of illegal mining still going on at the site.

In 1999 there were reports that the Congolese authorities had tried to re-open the mine with the help of North Korea. In recent years miners are said to have broken open the lids and extracted ore from the shafts, while police and local authorities turned a blind eye.

In June a parliamentary committee warned that Britain could be attacked by Iranian terrorists if tensions increased.

A source with access to current MI5 assessments said: "There is great concern about Iranian sleeper cells inside this country. [DRC] The intelligence services are taking this threat very seriously." (Sunday Times, 6 August 2006)

According to the Sunday Times: "The disclosure will heighten western fears about the extent of Iran's presumed nuclear weapons program and the strategic implications of Iran's continuing support for Hezbollah during the war with Israel."  Within the same article entitled "Iran's plot to mine uranium in Africa", all the essential "connect the dots" ingredients of Iran's rogue plot were laid out: the script included smuggled 238 uranium destined to Iran, the involvement of Iran and North Korea in the Congo's uranium economy, Iranian terrorist sleeper cells in the Congo, Iranian terrorists inside Britain, the UN sanctions committee takes note of the smuggled uranium, a British parliamentary committee warns the government of Tony Blair that an Iranian sponsored terrorist attack could take place...  

The Sunday Times alleged " Iran connection" relied on a July 18, 2005 UN Letter from the Chairman of the Security Council Committee, which it selectively misquoted and distorted. The quoted UN document and report of the Group of Experts on the DRC, while analysing the smuggling of uranium, does not even mention Iran. (United Nations Security Council, See section C of the Report of the Group of Experts, 18 July 2006, pdf) 

With regard to the report quoting Tanzanian customs officials, the shipment pertained to a relatively small amount of uranium ore (100 kg which contains about 70 grams of fissile U-235) bound for land-locked Kazakhstan via the Iranian port of Bandar Abbas:  "The shipment was destined for smelting in the former Soviet republic of Kazakhstan, delivered via Bandar Abbas, Iran's biggest port." (Sunday Times, op cit)

The UN Letter dated 18 July 2006 from the Chairman of the Security Council Committee, acknowledges incidents of smuggling over a six year period in and around Kinshasa as well as in relation to seized consignments by the Tanzanian authorities. But the UN document states that no information was provided by the Tanzanian authorities regarding the quantities involved. (United Nations Security Council, 18 July 2006, op cit. See also armscontrolwonk.com )

With regard to alleged North Korean connection, there was a delegation of engineers in 1999. But there was no follow-up due to pressure exerted on Kinshasa by Washington as confirmed in an earlier London Times report. (27 March 2004).

Brinkley Mining 

Uranium mining and exploration in the DRC (which contains significant untapped resources) is, in practice, under the control of  Western corporate capital. The underlying relationship is not with Iran but with a UK registered Anglo-South African mining company: Brinkley Mining PLC  with a subsidiary in the Seychelles. (Uranium Reserves in Africa)  The Anglo-South African conglomerate Lonrho Africa owns ten percent of Brinkley. While the principal shareholder of Brinkley is Australia's Atomaer, Brinkley is headed by Gerard Holden who is  Joint Executive Chairman of Lonrho Africa PLC

In 2006, the nuclear energy center headed by Professor Fortunat Lumu entered into a far-reaching agreement with Brinkley Mining. Under this agreement, Brinkley is "to develop and advise on all uranium assets in the DRC." (brinkley-mining.com)

The agreement established with the country's atomic energy authority, Le Commissariat General a l'Energie Atomique (CGEA). involved the creation of Brinkley Africa Ltd, which oversees the "domestic management of nuclear resources" in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The exclusive rights of future uranium exploration and production were handed over to Brinkley Africa, which is a 70% owned subsidiary of Brinkley Mining, which in turn is an affiliate of Lonrho Africa. 

Brinkley Mining PLC acknowledged in a report released on the 7th of March that it "it made a loss for the year to Dec 31, 2006 of 2.747 mln stg," Brinkley stocks initially dipped momentarily on March 7th by approximately 20 percent. However, despite the financial report coupled with the announcement of the arrest of Fortunat Lumu, the price of Brinkley shares on the London Stock Exchange skyrocketed (March 8th, 50% increase in relation to its low value on 7 March, 2007). (see graph below).

6 Month Chart

Source : LSE

Meanwhile, another prominent member of the Neocon inner team, World Bank president Paul Wolfowitz arrived in Kinshasa on the 8th of March. Following a meeting with DRC President Joseph Kabila, Wolfowitz announced a 1.4 billion dollar financial support to the DRC's post-war reconstruction. While formally tagged to poverty alleviation programs, part of this World Bank money will be used to support Anglo-American and South African mining interests in the Congo. 

World Bank President Paul Wolfowitz and DRC President Joseph Kabila

Undercover Network

On Friday the 9th of March, coinciding with Paul Wolfowitz' official visit, the DRC government, without explicitly referring to the Brinkley Mines PLC,  announced that it had "dismantled an undercover network that was trying to illegally sell uranium to companies registered in Britain, South Africa and the Seychelles." (Associated Press, 9 March, emphasis added). 

Congo's Minister of Scientific Research, Sylvanus Mushi Bonane, accused Professor Fortunat Lumu and his associate of creating "fictitious companies to sell uranium" and that they had been arrested yellow-handed: 

"Bonane said, adding they were in the process of selling off the radioactive materials when they were detained...Officials declined to say if there was any connection between the arrest and the alleged 2005 shipment" which according to the Sunday Times was destined to Iran.
 
(http://www.chron.com/disp/story.mpl/ap/fn/4616249.html)   

There was no mention of Iran in the official communiqué. In fact quite the opposite: the government was pointing its finger at an Anglo-South African conglomerate. According to Le Phare,  the arrest of Fortunat Lumu bears a relationship to the dealings of Brinkley Mining, which had been granted exclusive rights over DRC uranium exploration and extraction.

Moreover, the alleged uranium smuggling took place prior to the employment of two officials with the the country's atomic energy authority. How could these arrested officals have been involved when they wern't even working for the Commissariat Général à l'Energie Atomique.(Le Phare, 8 March 2007)

While the Western media have underscored an alleged " Iranian connection", the undercover network described by the DRC authorities refers to illegal sales to "companies registered in Britain, South Africa and the Seychelles"(emphasis added). Brinkley Mining is registered in the UK with subsidiaries in South Africa and the Seychelles: 

"We're happy with our contract," Gerard Holden, chairman of Brinkley, told Bloomberg News. "We're confident due process will prevail in the Congo," he said.

Bloomberg News said Fortunat Lumu, head of the DRC's Atomic Energy Commission, could not leave the DRC's capital Kinshasa until he had answered questions regarding the award to Brinkley Mining."

( http://www.miningmx.com/wts/672268.htm emphasis added)   

Gerard Holden, chairman of Brinkley

Media Disinformation

The Daily Telegraph's coverage of the evolving DRC uranium scandal, takes on a familiar line: while it has "not been proven" that Iran is behind it, there have  been "a series of allegations" implicating both Iran and the Sicilian Mafia:

It has long been feared that radioactive materials stored there could prove useful to countries seeking to develop fuel for a covert nuclear programme. But none of a series of allegations, including claims that uranium has been sold to Iran and to the Mafia, have ever been proved and the Congolese government has denied that any illegal shipments have been made.

But it is now understood that a long-running government investigation into two missing rods of the highly radioactive uranium produced sufficient evidence to detain the two suspects."{Daily Telegraph, 8 August 2007, emphasis added)

While the July 2006 UN report refers to the Italian mafia, Iran is not mentioned. (See United Nations Security Council op cit)

USA Today in an article entitled "U.N. cuts Iran nuke aid amid uranium-smuggling claims" goes one step further. It states emphatically that uranium was smuggled to Iran, and that the suspension of IAEA technical aid to Iran by the Board of governors meeting  in Vienna (5-8 March 2007) was the direct result of Iran's alleged involvement in the Congo uranium scandal:

U.N. cuts Iran nuke aid amid uranium-smuggling claim The U.N. nuclear watchdog has voted to cut aid to Iran [Board of governors meeting in Vienna], suspending nearly two dozen programs as part of U.N. sanctions. None, however, applied directly to Tehran's uranium-enrichment activities.

The action by the International Atomic Energy Agency comes amid reports that uranium was smuggled to Iran from the Democratic Republic of Congo and that the country's top nuclear scientist and an aide have been arrested. The IAEA said today it is investigating the claims, reported by a Kinshasa newspaper, the BBC says.(USA Today, 9 March 2007)

The BBC in a report entitled "DR Congo 'uranium ring smashed' quotes the Minister of Scientific Research Mr Mushi Bonane,

"a vast network aimed at the fraudulent exploitation of DR Congo's uranium has been dismantled".

"It was a criminal network," he said, without giving any more details. (emphasis added)

Referring to earlier reports that the two officials had been arrested on suspicion of uranium smuggling, Mr Mushi said that the prospection and exploitation of DR Congo's uranium had not yet started.( BBC, March 2007)

In a bitter irony, this report by the BBC is refuted by the BBC's African correspondent Arnaud Zajtman, (BBC Afrique in French), which provides the "missing details". Reporting from Kinshasa, Zajtman  quotes the same statement of the Minister of Scientific Research Mr Mushi Bonane.

[ The two officials] "were arrested for having negotiated an agreement with a foreign company  pertaining to exploration and production."  (BBC Afrique, 9 March 2007, emphasis added)

They are also accused of corruption: 

"The DRC authorities accuse the officials of the nuclear centre for having reached a partnership agreement with a British company, without obtaining the approval of the government." ("Les autorités congolaises accusent les responsables du centre nucléaire d'avoir passé un partenariat avec une entreprise britannique sans obtenir l'aval du gouvernement." (BBC Afrique, 9 March 2007, emphasis added).

Where is the Iran connection? Or is a UK Connection?

What is at stake in the Congo uranium scandal is the granting to a British Mining company (without DRC government approval) of the "first right of refusal for the exploration and development of any uranium projects in the DRC ".(AP, 9 March 2007).




Michel Chossudovsky
is the author of the international best America's "War on Terrorism"  Second Edition, Global Research, 2005. He is Professor of Economics at the University of Ottawa and Director of the Center for Research on Globalization. 

To order Chossudovsky's book  America's "War on Terrorism", click here 








Sunday, March 11, 2007 
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Robert Parry: Zeroing In on Bush-Cheney

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Zeroing In on Bush-Cheney


By Robert Parry
Consortium News & Truthout.Orgl
Wednesday 07 March 2007

Criminal trials - especially relating to national security scandals - are an imperfect way of learning the larger truth. As with the four-count conviction of former White House aide I. Lewis "Scooter" Libby, the charges are often structured narrowly to avoid long battles over classified secrets or inherent presidential powers.

But even limited trials can offer important glimpses into the inner workings of an administration, especially one as secretive as George W. Bush's. Though Libby was convicted only on perjury and obstruction charges, there should be little doubt what the full picture looks like.

If the panorama could be viewed all at once, the American people would see an administration that, in summer 2003, felt it could pretty much do whatever it wanted to anyone. Bush's inner circle validated every cliche about the arrogance of power, particularly the old saying about absolute power corrupting absolutely.

In the modern media context, defending that omnipotence meant coming up with demeaning comments about critics who dared to speak out. The goal was to generate talking points that could be given to the administration's many friends in Congress or at right-wing and mainstream news outlets.

Dirtying up one's opponents was the name of the game, just like during political campaigns. "Controversialize" your enemies so the public won't take them seriously. Turn them into laughingstocks. Make them look self-interested and maybe crazy.

But in summer 2003, the administration took its intimidating strategy a bit too far, exposing the identity of a covert CIA officer and it then had to conduct a cover-up.

It wasn't obvious at the time but President Bush and his administration were at a crossroads. Though Bush still basked in the glory of a victorious invasion of Iraq, the failure of the U.S. military to find weapons of mass destruction was eroding Bush's case for war and fraying nerves inside the White House.

The unlikely historical figure who would push the administration off in a more dangerous direction was a dapper former U.S. ambassador named Joseph C. Wilson IV. Wilson had served in U.S. embassies in Africa and had been chargé d'affaire in Iraq at the time of Saddam Hussein's invasion of Kuwait in 1990.

In summer 2003, however, Wilson's account of his unpublicized mission more than a year earlier on behalf of the CIA to Niger would put him on a collision course with the Bush administration at the height of its power.

Strange Journey

Wilson's strange journey from obscure ex-diplomat to a chief target of the Bush administration's attack machine began in early 2002 after Vice President Dick Cheney expressed interest in a dubious document that had surfaced in Italy purporting to show that Iraq had tried to buy yellowcake uranium from Niger, presumably for a revived nuclear program.

Given Cheney's near obsession with Iraqi weapons of mass destruction, senior officials in the CIA office known as Winpac - for weapons intelligence, nonproliferation and arms control - took the Vice President's interest seriously.

As they looked around for someone suitable for a fact-finding trip, one CIA officer in the unit, the stunningly attractive Valerie Plame, noted that her husband's diplomatic background fit many of the requirements. Wilson had experience in both Iraq and Niger.

Plame's superiors asked her to pass on a message inviting her husband in for a meeting.

"Apart from being the conduit of a message from a colleague in her office asking if I would be willing to have a conversation about Niger's uranium industry, Valerie had had nothing to do with this matter," Wilson later wrote in his memoir, The Politics of Truth. "Though she worked on weapons of mass destruction issues, she was not at the meeting I attended where the subject of Niger's uranium was discussed, when the possibility of my actually traveling to the country was broached. She definitely had not proposed that I make the trip."

Wilson accepted the unpaid assignment with the CIA agreeing to pay his travel expenses. In February 2002, the ex-ambassador flew to Niger, discussed the Iraq suspicions with business and government officials, and returned with a conclusion that the allegations appeared to be false.

In his oral report to the CIA, Wilson said he found no evidence that Iraq had sought yellowcake and - considering the international controls governing shipments of uranium - most of his sources doubted that a sale would even be possible.

Wilson did add a caveat, that one senior Nigerien, former Prime Minister Ibrahim Mayaki, said he had suspected that an Iraqi commercial delegation to Niger in 1999 might be interested in buying yellowcake, but the uranium topic never came up at the meeting and nothing was sold to Iraq.

State Department intelligence analysts, who had already correctly concluded that the Iraq-Niger-yellowcake claims were baseless, reviewed Wilson's information and believed that it corroborated their judgment.

But some CIA analysts, who then were pushing the Niger allegations, seized on Wilson's comment about Mayaki suspecting that Iraq might be in the market for yellowcake as corroboration for their position. In effect, they "cherry-picked" one inconsequential fact from Wilson's report that could be used to support their position.

Wilson's negative findings were soon backed up by other U.S. government reports arriving from the field. Nevertheless, since the White House was scouring for any indication that Saddam Hussein might be reconstituting his nuclear program, the dubious Niger-yellowcake story proved hard to kill.

"Uranium from Africa"

U.S. intelligence agencies did get the allegation stripped out of some administration speeches, but it kept returning, most notably when it was inserted into Bush's January 2003 State of the Union Address, attributed to the British.

"The British government has learned that Saddam Hussein recently sought significant quantities of uranium from Africa," Bush said in a sentence that later became known as "the sixteen words."

However, in spring 2003, after the invasion of Iraq, it was becoming increasingly obvious that the administration's dire WMD warnings were hollow. Wilson began to speak privately with journalists about his trip.

New York Times columnist Nicholas D. Kristof wrote an article that cited an unnamed former ambassador who had gone on a fact-finding mission to Africa and had returned discounting the suspicions of Iraqis buying uranium. Cheney grew curious about this mission that had been undertaken because of his expressed interest but that had not led to a formal report back to the Vice President.

After figuring out the identity of Kristof's source, the White House also prepared to retaliate against Wilson, who was emerging as the first Washington establishment figure to accuse the administration of manipulating the WMD intelligence.

The White House was determined to nip in the bud any "revisionist history" about the integrity behind the march to war. In his memoir, Wilson cited sources telling him that a meeting in Cheney's office led to a decision "to produce a workup" to discredit Wilson.

Lewis Libby, Cheney's chief of staff, asked Undersecretary of State Marc Grossman, a neoconservative ally in the State Department, to prepare a memo on Wilson. Dated June 10, 2003, Grossman's report included a paragraph, marked secret, that referred to CIA officer "Valerie Plame" as Wilson wife. [NYT, July 16, 2005]

On June 11, Libby also heard from CIA official Robert Grenier that Wilson's wife worked in the CIA unit that sent Wilson to Africa, Grenier later testified. CIA Director George Tenet also mentioned to Cheney that Wilson's wife worked for the CIA and had a hand in arranging Wilson's trip to Niger. Cheney passed that information on to Libby in a conversation on June 12, 2003, according to Libby's notes. [NYT, Oct. 25, 2005]

Sensitive Secrets

While these senior officials who were bandying about the name of Valerie Plame might have had sufficient clearance to know Plame's identity as an undercover CIA officer, their behavior was highly unusual.

Undercover officers in Plame's category, known as "NOCs" for "non-official cover," often operate in great danger outside the protection of the U.S. embassies. Normally, the CIA zealously protects their cover, sharing the identities only on a strict need-to-know basis.

"The CIA is obsessive about protecting its NOCs," one former senior U.S. official told me. "There's almost nothing they care about more."

But there was something that the Bush administration seemed to care about more, and that was stopping criticism of President Bush in its tracks.

On June 13, Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage - Grossman's boss - mentioned in an interview with Washington Post reporter Bob Woodward that Wilson's wife helped pick the ex-ambassador for the assignment.

"Why would they send him?" Woodward asked. "Because his wife's a [expletive] analyst at the agency," Armitage responded. "She is a WMD analyst out there."

Woodward didn't use the information, but Armitage's comment is believed to have been the first reference by an administration official to a reporter about Wilson's wife whose identity was a classified government secret.

It was not clear, however, whether the tough-talking deputy secretary of state was just shooting off his mouth, trying to impress a famous journalist, or if Armitage was part of an emerging strategy by the White House to undermine Wilson's credibility by portraying his Niger trip as a case of nepotism.

When Armitage's early role was publicly revealed three years later, a conventional wisdom quickly took shape in Washington that Armitage was acting on his own, that he had no connection to the White House political machinations, and that he had been a dissenter on the Iraq War. But there was reason to believe otherwise.

A well-placed conservative source, who had been an early supporter of George W. Bush and who knew both Armitage and White House political adviser Karl Rove well, described a different reality to me.

The source said Armitage and Rove were much closer than many Washington insiders understood. Armitage and Rove developed a working relationship in the late 1990s when Bush was lining up Colin Powell to support a Bush presidential candidacy and to be his Secretary of State, the source said.

In those negotiations, Armitage stood in for Powell and Rove represented Bush. After that, the two men provided a back channel for passing sensitive information between the White House and the State Department, the source said.

To illustrate the point, the conservative source recounted an incident early in the Bush administration when he warned Rove to be leery of Armitage, whom the source regarded as untrustworthy.

Shortly afterwards, the source got an angry call from Armitage who had been told by Rove about the warning. Though the source earlier had witnessed the Rove-Armitage connection over the Powell recruitment, he still was surprised that Rove felt so loyal to Armitage that he would immediately hop on the phone to alert Armitage to the criticism.

Subsequently, the source said he was shut out of the White House. He blamed Rove and Armitage for the blackballing.

The significance of the Rove-Armitage friendship to the Wilson-Plame case was that it undercut the conventional wisdom that Armitage had no link to Bush's inner circle and that therefore his comments about Wilson's wife must have been just gossip.

"Armitage isn't a gossip," the conservative source said, "but he is a leaker. There's a difference."

Also, although Armitage may have had doubts about invading Iraq in 2003, he was no peacenik, as some Washington journalists believed.

In 1998, Armitage had been one of 18 signatories to a seminal letter from the neoconservative Project for the New American Century urging President Bill Clinton to oust Saddam Hussein by military force if necessary.

Armitage joined a host of neoconservative icons, such as Elliott Abrams, John Bolton, William Kristol, Richard Perle, Paul Wolfowitz and Donald Rumsfeld. Many of the signers became architects of Bush's Iraq War policy five years later.

Picking the Press

In mid-June 2003, as the White House fretted over the potential impact from Wilson's Niger-yellowcake criticism, Cheney and Libby began to pick out reporters who were considered friendly and likely would help in the anti-Wilson campaign.

On June 23, 2003, Libby briefed New York Times reporter Judith Miller about Wilson and may have passed on the tip about Wilson's wife working at the CIA at that time. [NYT, Oct. 25, 2005]

Other administration officials also were reaching out to journalists. About the same time as the Libby-Miller meeting, conservative columnist Robert Novak received a surprise call from Armitage's office offering an interview.

"During his quarter of a century in Washington, I had had no contact with Armitage before our fateful interview," Novak wrote later. "I tried to see him in the first 2 ½ years of the Bush administration, but he rebuffed me - summarily and with disdain, I thought. Then, without explanation, in June 2003, Armitage's office said the deputy secretary would see me."

Novak dated the call from Armitage's office at about two weeks before Wilson went public with his article about the Niger story on July 6, 2003. In other words, Armitage's outreach to Novak and Libby's briefing of Miller came at virtually the same time. [Novak column, Washington Post, Sept. 14, 2006]

As the White House was pulling its wagons into a defensive circle, Wilson was deciding to attach his name directly to his charges of manipulated intelligence.

In The New York Times opinion section on July 6, 2003, Wilson published his article, entitled "What I Didn't Find in Africa," in which he described his Niger mission and said the White House had "twisted" intelligence to justify war. The same day he appeared on NBC's "Meet the Press" to expand on his charges.

As Cheney read Wilson's article, a perturbed Vice President scribbled in the margins the questions he wanted pursued. "Have they [CIA officials] done this sort of thing before?" Cheney wrote. "Send an Amb[assador] to answer a question? Do we ordinarily send people out pro bono to work for us? Or did his wife send him on a junket?"

Though Cheney did not write down Plame's name, his questions indicated that he was well aware that she worked for the CIA and was in a position (dealing with WMD issues) to have a hand in her husband's assignment to check out the Niger reports.

That same eventful day - July 6, 2003 - Armitage called Carl W. Ford Jr., the assistant secretary of state for intelligence and research, at home and asked him to send a copy of Grossman's memo about Wilson to Secretary of State Powell. Since Powell was preparing to leave with Bush on a state visit to Africa, Ford forwarded Grossman's memo to the White House for delivery to Powell. [NYT, July 16, 2005]

The next day, July 7, Libby took the unusual step of inviting White House press secretary Ari Fleischer out to lunch. There, Libby told Fleischer that Wilson's wife worked in the CIA's counter-proliferation division, where most CIA officers operate in a covert capacity. Libby "added that this was something hush-hush or on the QT, that not many people knew this information," Fleischer later testified.

Giving this sensitive information to a press secretary suggested that Libby was looking for ways to disseminate the news to the media. Fleischer then joined the presidential party on a five-day state visit to African capitals.

Get Wilson

Administration officials who stayed behind in Washington also stepped up their efforts to counteract Wilson's Op-Ed.

Libby later testified before a federal grand jury that he was told by Cheney that Bush had approved a plan in which Libby would brief a specific New York Times reporter about portions of a top-secret National Intelligence Estimate on Iraq's WMD.

On July 8, Libby spoke again with Times reporter Judith Miller about the NIE and about the Wilsons. In a two-hour interview over breakfast at the elegant St. Regis Hotel near the White House, Libby told Miller that Wilson's wife worked at a CIA unit responsible for weapons intelligence and non-proliferation.

Miller wrote down the words "Valerie Flame," an apparent misspelling of Mrs. Wilson's maiden name. [NYT, Oct. 16, 2005]

That same day, Novak had his interview with Armitage. Novak later recalled that Armitage divulged Plame's identity toward the end of an hour-long interview.

Armitage "told me unequivocally that Mrs. Wilson worked in the CIA's Counter-proliferation Division and that she had suggested her husband's mission," Novak wrote, adding that Armitage seemed to want the information published. Armitage "noted that the story of Mrs. Wilson's role fit the style of the old Evans-Novak column - implying to me that it [the column] continued reporting Washington inside information," Novak wrote. [Novak's column, Washington Post, Sept. 14, 2006]

Feeling encouraged by Armitage to disclose the Plame connection to Wilson's trip, Novak contacted Bush's chief political adviser Karl Rove, who confirmed the story as Novak's second source.

"I didn't dig it out, it was given to me," Novak later told Newsday, adding that Bush administration officials "thought it was significant, they gave me the name."

Meanwhile, to the administration's dismay, the Niger-yellowcake deceit was dogging Bush's Africa trip. At every stop, questions were asked about how the infamous "sixteen words" had ended up in the State of the Union speech.

Fleischer was finally forced to concede that the yellowcake allegation was "incorrect" and should not have been included in the speech. On July 11, CIA Director Tenet took the fall for the State of the Union screw-up, apologizing for not better vetting the speech.

"This did not rise to the level of certainty which should be required for presidential speeches," Tenet said. The admission was one of the first times the Bush team had retreated on any national security issue. Administration officials were embarrassed, incensed and determined to punish Wilson.

Out of Africa

In later court testimony about the Plame leak, Ari Fleischer said he decided to give the CIA-wife-sent-Wilson-to-Africa tip to two reporters, NBC's David Gregory and Time correspondent John Dickerson, as they strolled down a road in Uganda.

"If you want to know who sent the ambassador to Niger, it was his wife; she works there," at the CIA, Fleischer said.

Dickerson said Fleischer was one of two administration officials who urged him to pursue the seemingly insignificant question of who had been involved in arranging Wilson's trip.

But Dickerson didn't recall Fleischer specifically identifying Wilson's wife at that time, only prodding him to look in that direction. Both officials urged him to "go ask the CIA who sent Wilson" and that "Wilson had been sent by a low-level CIA employee," Dickerson recalled.

"At the end of the two conversations I wrote down in my notebook: 'look who sent.'" Dickerson wrote. "What struck me was how hard both officials were working to knock down Wilson." [John Dickerson, "Where's My Subpoena?," Slate, Feb. 7, 2006]

Back in Washington on July 11, Dickerson's Time colleague, Matthew Cooper, was getting a similar earful from Rove, who tried to steer Cooper away from Wilson's information on the Niger deception and toward the notion that the Niger trip was authorized by "Wilson's wife, who apparently works at the agency [CIA] on WMD issues," according to Cooper's interview notes. [Newsweek, July 18, 2005, issue]

Cooper later got the information about Wilson's wife confirmed by Cheney's chief of staff Libby, who was peddling the same information to Judith Miller. On July 12, in a telephone conversation, Libby and Miller returned to the Wilson topic.

Miller's notes contain a reference to a "Victoria Wilson," apparently another misspelled reference to Wilson's wife, Valerie. [NYT, Oct. 16, 2005]

But Miller, who was on the defensive inside The New York Times for her credulous reporting on the administration's WMD claims, lacked the clout to push through the story about Wilson's wife.

Naming Names

Two days later, on July 14, 2003, Novak published a column, citing two unnamed administration sources (Armitage and his ally Rove) outing Plame as a CIA officer and portraying Wilson's Niger trip as a case of nepotism.

The disclosure of Plame's identity effectively meant the end of her CIA career, exposure of her CIA front company Brewster Jennings, and put the lives of her overseas contacts in jeopardy. But the White House counterattack against Wilson had only just begun.

On July 20, 2003, NBC's correspondent Andrea Mitchell told Wilson that "senior White House sources" had called her to stress "the real story here is not 'the sixteen words' but Wilson and his wife."

The next day, Wilson said he was told by MSNBC's Chris Matthews that "I just got off the phone with Karl Rove. He says and I quote, 'Wilson's wife is fair game.'"

However, by September, CIA officials, angered by the damage done to Plame's spy network, struck back. They lodged a complaint with the Justice Department that the leaks may have amounted to an illegal exposure of a CIA officer.

A White House official told The Washington Post that the administration had informed at least six reporters about Plame. The official said the disclosure was "purely and simply out of revenge." [Washington Post, Sept. 28, 2003]

But the initial investigation was under the control of Attorney General John Ashcroft, considered a right-wing Bush loyalist. So, the President and other White House officials confidently denied any knowledge of the leak. Bush even vowed to fire anyone who leaked classified material.

"The President has set high standards, the highest of standards, for people in his administration," White House press secretary Scott McClellan said on Sept. 29, 2003. "If anyone in this administration was involved in it, they would no longer be in this administration."

Bush personally announced he wanted to get to the bottom of the matter. "If there is a leak out of my administration, I want to know who it is," Bush said on Sept. 30. "I want to know the truth. If anybody has got any information inside our administration or outside our administration, it would be helpful if they came forward with the information so we can find out whether or not these allegations are true."

Yet, even as Bush was professing his curiosity and calling for anyone with information to step forward, he was withholding the fact that he had authorized the declassification of some secrets about the Niger uranium issue and had ordered Cheney to arrange for those secrets to be given to reporters.

In other words, though Bush knew a great deal about how the anti-Wilson scheme got started - since he was involved in starting it - he uttered misleading public statements to conceal the White House role and possibly to signal to others that they should follow suit in denying knowledge.

"Sacrificial Lamb"

That is exactly what key White House officials did. In early October, press secretary McClellan said he had made inquiries and could report that political adviser Karl Rove and National Security Council aide Elliott Abrams were not involved in the Plame leak.

That comment riled Libby, who feared that he was being hung out to dry. Libby went to his boss, Dick Cheney, and complained that "they're trying to set me up; they want me to be the sacrificial lamb," Libby's lawyer Theodore Wells later said.

Cheney scribbled down his feelings in a note to McClellan: "Not going to protect one staffer + sacrifice the guy the Pres that was asked to stick his head in the meat grinder because of incompetence of others." In the note, Cheney initially was ascribing Libby's sacrifice to Bush but apparently thought better of it, crossing out "the Pres" and putting the clause in a passive tense.

On Oct. 4, 2003, McClellan added Libby to the list of officials who have "assured me that they were not involved in this."

So, Libby had a motive to lie to the FBI when he was first interviewed about the case. He had gone to the mat with his boss to get his name cleared in the press, meaning it would make little sense to then admit involvement to FBI investigators.

"The White House had staked its credibility on there being no White House involvement in the leaking of information about Ms. Wilson," a federal court filing later noted. For his part, Libby began claiming that he had first learned about Plame's CIA identity from NBC's Washington bureau chief Tim Russert after Wilson's Op-Ed had appeared.

This White House cover-up might have worked, except in late 2003, Ashcroft recused himself because of a conflict of interest, and Patrick Fitzgerald - the U.S. Attorney in Chicago - was named as the special prosecutor.

Fitzgerald pursued the investigation far more aggressively, even demanding that journalists testify about the White House leaks.

Attack Machine

Still, from 2003 to 2005, as the Plame-gate case grew into a political embarrassment for Bush, Republican operatives and their right-wing media allies continued to attack Wilson, sometimes joined by mainstream publications like the editorial page of The Washington Post.

Rather than thank Wilson for undertaking a difficult fact-finding trip to Niger for no pay - and for reporting accurately about the dubious Iraq-Niger claims - the Bush administration and its allies were unrelenting in tearing down the former ambassador.

The Republican-run Senate Intelligence Committee made derogatory claims about Wilson's honesty in a report issued about the WMD controversy on July 7, 2004.

Contradicting Wilson's assertion that he had found no evidence of an Iraqi-Niger uranium deal, the committee report said that "for most [intelligence] analysts, the information in the [Wilson] report lent more credibility to the original CIA reports on the uranium deal."

That was a reference to the comment by former Prime Minister Mayaki that he had thought an Iraqi delegation might have been interested in yellowcake, although the topic was never raised and no negotiations were ever held.

The committee's reference to "most analysts" referred to the CIA officials who were then pushing the Niger story and had latched on to this one inconsequential point. The committee report noted that "State Department Bureau of Intelligence and Research analysts believed that the [Wilson] report supported their assessment that Niger was unlikely to be willing or able to sell uranium to Iraq."

After the Senate Intelligence Committee's report, Wilson's media enemies hurled the phrase "most analysts" against him, though it made no sense to blame Wilson for the fact that the CIA analysts who were wrong about the Niger-Iraq yellowcake suspicions outnumbered the State Department analysts who were right.

Indeed, the fact that the committee's Republicans could push through this odd notion that a misguided majority somehow trumped an accurate minority shows how far the traditional concept of intelligence had drifted off course in George W. Bush's Washington.

Committee chairman, Sen. Pat Roberts, R-Kansas, stood out as the most partisan leader to run the traditionally non-partisan intelligence oversight panel in its three-decade history.

Not satisfied with the slaps at Wilson in the full report, Roberts joined with two other right-wing Republicans, Christopher Bond and Orrin Hatch, to attach additional views to the report, asserting that Wilson's criticism of the administration's use of intelligence "had no basis in fact."

A year later, on July 14, 2005, the Republican National Committee posted an article at the RNC Web site entitled "Joe Wilson's Top Ten Worst Inaccuracies and Misstatements," which relied on glaring inaccuracies and misstatements of its own to further undermine Wilson's credibility.

The RNC's list led off with what had become one of the GOP's favorite canards, that "Wilson insisted that the Vice President's office sent him to Niger." But Wilson had never made such an assertion and not even the RNC's own citations supported the accusation.

To back up its charge, the RNC stated, "Wilson said he traveled to Niger at CIA request to help provide response to Vice President's office."

That was followed by a quote from Wilson: "In February 2002, I was informed by officials at the Central Intelligence Agency that Vice President Dick Cheney's office had questions about a particular intelligence report. … The agency officials asked if I would travel to Niger to check out the story so they could provide a response to the Vice President's office."

The RNC then quoted Cheney as saying, "I don't know Joe Wilson. I've never met Joe Wilson."

But nothing in the comments by Wilson and Cheney were in contradiction. Wilson simply said CIA officials sent him on a mission because of questions from Cheney's office. Cheney said he didn't know Wilson. Both statements were true, yet the RNC juxtaposed them to support a charge of dishonesty against Wilson.

This talking point and similar ones then reverberated through the giant right-wing echo chamber, creating a widespread public impression that Wilson was a liar.

Libby Indicted

The drawn-out legal battle that arose from the Bush administration's war on Wilson finally reached a head in fall 2005 after Fitzgerald forced many of the reporters who had received administration leaks to divulge what they knew.

Though Judith Miller never wrote about Plame's identity, her conversations with Libby became central to Fitzgerald proving that Libby lied when he told FBI investigators that he first learned of Plame's identity from Tim Russert.

After 85 days in jail for her refusal to reveal her source, Miller received from Libby what she regarded as an adequate waiver of her pledge of confidentiality. Even Libby's waiver, however, suggested a conspiratorial relationship between the journalist and her source.

Libby sent Miller a friendly letter that read like an invitation to testify but also to stick with the team. "Out West, where you vacation, the aspens will already be turning," Libby wrote. "They turn in clusters, because their roots connect them."

On Oct. 28, 2005, after securing the reluctant testimony of Judith Miller, special prosecutor Fitzgerald obtained a five-count indictment of Lewis Libby for lying to the FBI, perjury before the grand jury and obstruction of justice.

Fitzgerald opted for a narrow criminal case centered on run-of-the-mill charges rather than daring to run the potential legal gauntlet of the largely untested Intelligence Identities Protection Act of 1982.

That law had been enacted with the goal of punishing CIA enemies, the likes of rogue CIA agent Philip Agee and others who outed covert agents as a means to sabotage U.S. intelligence activities.

In writing the law, Congress never anticipated the facts of the Plame case, that senior U.S. government officials would divulge the identity of a covert CIA officer as a way to discredit a spouse.

Despite those unusual circumstances, the law would seem to apply to the facts of the Plame case. Many of the Bush administration participants were aware of Plame's covert status and knew that the U.S. government had classified her identity.

Arguably, Fitzgerald could have used the law to build a conspiracy case against some of the top administration officials, including Vice President Cheney, political adviser Rove, Deputy Secretary of State Armitage and conceivably Bush himself.

But Fitzgerald surely would have encountered a ferocious political counterattack, not to mention daunting legal obstacles. For instance, there might have been constitutional issues about a President's inherent authority to declassify information and whether that power could be delegated to the Vice President.

If Libby, Rove and possibly Armitage were operating under instructions from Cheney or Bush, would that authorization constitute a defense? Could defense lawyers sabotage the case by demanding classified White House documents about the Wilson matter and then have Bush refuse to release the material? Might legal challenges over these issues tie up the case for years?

Iran-Contra

During the Iran-Contra scandal of the 1980s, special prosecutor Lawrence Walsh had faced similar problems when defendants, such as former White House aide Oliver North, identified documents needed for the defense while old friends in the White House knew that by refusing to declassify the documents they could frustrate and kill the case.

Eventually, Walsh was forced to jettison his more ambitious criminal charges related to arms trafficking and money-laundering and focus only on narrower issues, such as North's lying to Congress and accepting an illegal gift.

Rather than follow Walsh's trail - starting out with ambitious charges and then retreating to more mundane ones - Fitzgerald started with the garden-variety crimes of perjury and obstruction, and only indicted Libby.

Some Americans, especially Iraq War critics, were deflated by Fitzgerald's insistence that he would prosecute only clearly defined crimes stemming from the Plame case, not venture into a fuller narrative about the Bush administration's justifications for war.

While denouncing Libby's deceptions as a serious crime, Fitzgerald splashed cold water on the notion that his investigation might unravel a larger government conspiracy, even though one of his subsequent court filings asserted that the White House had engaged in a "concerted" effort to "discredit, punish or seek revenge against" Wilson because of his criticism of the administration.

In the end, the consequences from the Bush administration's determination to discredit a troublesome critic have already been severe. Libby's conviction on four of the five counts means that he stands as a convicted felon. The White House also has suffered grave political damage.

However, the price exacted by the administration and its allies against the Wilson-Plame family has been steep, too. Valerie Plame was first sidetracked at the CIA because of the outing of her identity and finally quit the agency on Dec. 9, 2005.

Because of the administration's bandying about of Plame's covert identity in 2003, the CIA's capability to track and expose nuclear proliferation networks was weakened. That has left the U.S. government partially blinded on other WMD questions, such as Iran's progress toward a nuclear bomb.

Viewing that national security damage in the additional context of nearly four years of unrelenting bloodshed in Iraq, the even larger question being asked by many Americans remains: Why aren't Dick Cheney, Karl Rove, Richard Armitage and possibly George W. Bush in the dock alongside Libby?

As Denis Collins, one of the Libby jurors, explained after the verdict, "we're not saying that we didn't think Mr. Libby was guilty of the things we found him guilty of. But it seemed like he was … the fall guy."

*************

Robert Parry broke many of the Iran-Contra stories in the 1980s for the Associated Press and Newsweek. His latest book, Secrecy & Privilege: Rise of the Bush Dynasty from Watergate to Iraq, can be ordered at secrecyandprivilege.com. It's also available at Amazon.com, as is his 1999 book, Lost History: Contras, Cocaine, the Press & 'Project Truth.'

Wednesday, February 28, 2007 

The Bush Administration in One Sentence

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Media

By William Rivers Pitt, www.truthout.org

History is bunk.
- Henry Ford

Just because the Supreme Court set that poison precedent and anointed Bush, who brought in a crowd of neocon yahoos which earned no attention before the 2000 campaign, just because we 'Muricans vote for the man and not the mob, which in this case turned into the mob that ruined the country, you know, Cheney and Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz and Pearl and Feith and Ledeen and Negroponte...

...just because unreasonably massive tax cuts were combined in 2001 with the economic depth-charge that was the Enron/Arthur Andersen/inflated revenues/overstated tax earnings scandal, which was umbilically connected to the White House, just because the economy (not to mention our whole psyche) absorbed another blow when four commercial airplanes somehow managed to pierce the most impenetrable air defense system in the history of the universe, fooling the entire intelligence community as well, if you believe what you hear...

...just because this happened despite a blizzard of warnings delivered in the weeks and months beforehand, along with a raft of information gathered by the previous administration, just because a bunch of anthrax got mailed to Democrats by the Ashcroft wing of the Republican Party in what were obvious assassination attempts and yet nothing but nothing has been done about it, just because the 9/11 attack was immediately - and I mean the day after immediately - grasped as an excuse to invade Iraq, just because virtually everyone in the administration lied with their bare faces hanging out about weapons of mass destruction in Iraq, terrorism ties in Iraq, so break out the plastic sheeting and duct tape because we're all gonna die...

...just because they did this in no small part to win the 2002 midterms by any means necessary, just because they have used that day against us with deliberation and intent, just because 3,160 American soldiers have been killed looking for 26,000 liters of anthrax, 38,000 liters of botulinum toxin, 500 tons (which is one million pounds) of sarin and mustard and VX nerve agent, 30,000 munitions to deliver the stuff, mobile biological weapons labs, aerial drones to spray the aforementioned stuff, and let's not forget the uranium from Niger for use in Iraq's robust "nukular" program, all of which was described to the letter by Bush in his 2003 State of the Union address, claims that still remain today on the White House web site, on a page titled 'Disarm Saddam Hussein'...

...just because the medical journal Lancet estimated that as many as 198,000 Iraqi citizens have been killed as well in the war to get at this stuff, and that was a while ago and a whole slew of bombings ago, just because none of the stuff was there, and by the way none of the stuff was there, and did I mention that none of the stuff was there, just because the idea that Hussein was allied with bin Laden was laughable because Osama has wanted Saddam's head on his battle standard for decades, just because the true source of world terrorism, which is Sunni Wahabbist extremism out of Saudi Arabia, goes completely unaddressed because the Houses of Bush and Saud have been partnered for decades...

...just because the lie that says the GOP is strong on national defense still permeates everything, though the loss of those 3,160 soldiers combined with the grievous wounding of between 47,000 and 53,000 other soldiers amounts to the evisceration of between a fourth and a third of our entire active fighting force, which makes us safer in no way that can be fathomed, and never mind the soldiers living in filth and among rats and roaches because they have been deliberately shafted so the Bush boys can squeeze a few more pennies into the coffers of folks like Halliburton and Exxon...

...just because so much of 9/11 and this 'War on Terra' has to do with business arrangements going awry between these two Houses, just because a deep-cover CIA agent who was working to track any person or nation or group that would give weapons of mass destruction to terrorists got her cover and her network blown by administration officials who wanted to shut her husband and any other potential whistleblowers the hell up, just because the front company she was working out of called Brewster Jennings and Associates was likewise blown, thus torpedoing other agents and their networks, just because absolutely all of this went virtually unreported by the mainstream media until it was too late, if it was reported at all...

...just because dangerous spies like Ahmad Chalabi used Judy Miller and the New York Times to disseminate the lie that Iraq was riddled with weapons, thus opening the floodgates for the rest of the media to repeat the lie, because once the Times says it, it must be true, just because this lack of reporting combined with an astounding level of cheerleading from the aforementioned media combined with some good old-fashioned vote fraud in places like Ohio, Florida and New Mexico gave the aforementioned group of yahoos four more years in 2004...

...just because this means the Iraq war will continue and Iran will probably be next, despite the fact that we basically gave the Iraqi government to Iran when we invaded and handed the Shi'ite majority control over the place, a majority that is ideologically and religiously allied with Iran, a majority controlled by two Shi'ite factions called Dawa and SCIRI, which have been creatures of Iran since the early 1980s, which were centrally involved in the 1983 Beirut bombing that killed more than 200 American Marines, just because we knew this going in but it happened anyway, and even though we know Iran is running Iraq, we still have to hear all this blather about Iran "interfering" in Iraq...

...just because our phones are tapped and our homes are no longer protected from unreasonable searches, just because we torture at will, just because we detain forever and use habeas corpus like so much toilet paper, just because signing statements have dismantled the separation of powers one brick at a time, just because no page is safe in a Republican Congress, just because no bribe is too small in a Republican Congress, just because a Democratic resurgence in 2006 is only a tiny beginning and not any kind of an end, because these Bush boys have no intention of slowing down or backing off...

...just because our national reputation is ravaged and our future has been sold out from under us, just because Truman's wartime economic footing has morphed into a machine that Eisenhower would recognize in horror as the very thing he warned us about before he left, just because the whole system now requires us to manufacture wars if none are available because the system itself has been wired to feed the beast no matter the consequences, just because television tells you not to worry, look at these breasts or this shaved starlet's head, or this shiny thing, look here, shhh, be silent, be still, sleep...

...doesn't mean We The People are finished, because all of this is why "We The People" was written down in the first place, and though the day is late and the road is long and the chances for success are slim, We The People are here to stay, so strap in and look out, because we are just getting started, and the next sentence will be ours to write.

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William Rivers Pitt is a New York Times and internationally bestselling author of two books: War on Iraq: What Team Bush Doesn't Want You to Know and The Greatest Sedition Is Silence. His newest book, House of Ill Repute: Reflections on War, Lies, and America's Ravaged Reputation, will be available this winter from PoliPointPress.

http://www.afterdowningstreet.org/node/19078

Monday, February 26, 2007 
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Brothers in Arms Again: Bush Faction Arming Al Qaeda to Thwart Iran PDF Print E-mail
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Written by Chris Floyd   
Monday, 26 February 2007

Here's the upshot of Sy Hersh's latest piece in the New Yorker: George W. Bush is working with, paying, arming and training -- directly and by proxy -- violent terrorist groups in league with Osama bin Laden.

Just as the Bush Faction has replicated every mistake, misdeed and miscalculation of the Vietnam quagmire in Iraq, so too the "grand strategy" of the "War on Terror " replicates the worst strategic mistake of the last quarter of the 20th century: arming and training violent, obscurantist Islamic militias -- in effect, creating (with Saudi and Pakistani partners) the global jihad movement as an effective force -- in the vain and frankly stupid hope that these groups could be manipulated into serving American policy and then safely set aside where their usefulness was through.

I have been writing here for years about the Bush Administration's openly declared intent to arm and fund violent militia groups all over the world, especially in "inaccessible" places where the US cannot operate openly. Hersh has confirmed this "strategy" several times in his reporting.

There are really no words to describe how morally depraved and monumentally stupid this policy is. It is of course not all that surprising that it springs from a family whose political fortunes are founde
d, at least in part, from the financial fortunes it reaped from helping build the Nazi military-industrial complex; a family that continued trading with the Nazis even after Americans were in battle against Hitler's forces. The Bushes and their outriders have always been attuned to the kind of brutal realpolitik that is willing -- at times eager -- to see American blood shed in order to advance their elitist agenda. (Which they have of course internalized as being identical with the "national interest.")

But as we've also noted many times, this political "philosophy" is by no means unique to the Bush Family faction. It is resolutely bipartisan, and deeply embedded in the mindset of the American Estab
lishment. The Bushes are nothing but second-rate camp followers, empty shells and non-entities, originating nothing, ignorant and cynical in equal measure, their only unusual trait being how open they are in their scorn for the worthless rabble and the bullshit Constitution that the crypto-Commies like Madison and Jefferson foisted on the proper rulers of the country. Otherwise, they simply regurgitate the unprocessed prejudices, unexamined assumptions and vulgar ambitions of the clique that spawned them.

Of course, at times the idiot George W. Bush and the criminally ignorant crew that surrounds him have brought the inherent lawlessness, greed, brutality and incompetence of the American elite to what seem like new heights -- although even the sick-making murder of the Iraq campaign has still not approached the genocidal fury of, say, the bipartisan bombing of Indochina, and the millions of dead that the "best and the brightest" left behind there. Nor have Bush's domestic repression and flagrant abuse of authority -- as bad as they are -- yet approached the toxic and all-pervasive level of the "Red Scares" launched by Democratic icons Woodrow Wilson and Harry Truman. (Joe McCarthy merely took the ball that Truman put into play and ran with it.)  And sufficient unto the day is the trouble thereof; the crimes of the Bush Administration are not any less heinous -- and the people they have murdered are not any less dead -- just because these crimes are not some aberration of the idiot and his crew but are instead continuations and at times accelerations of long-standing Establishment thinking and policy.

But with each passing decade, the technological tools of repression and militarism grow more overpowering and far-reaching. With each passing decade, the pernicious aftereffects and blowback from past depredations build up and compound, breeding new evils. With each passing decade, the societal rot engendered by the rapacity of the elite spreads deeper, eating away at the foundation of the Republic and the fabric of our communities, and weakening or destroying the social and institutional counterbalances to unchecked greed and ambition.

Thus in one sense it doesn't matter if the Bush Faction is any more or less criminal and destructive than other administrations. The world in which they are blundering around killing people is far more unstable and dangerous than before, because it is filled with the compounded evil and folly of previous times. For instance, there are more nuclear powers now, as nations seek to emulate the strength, prestige and dominance of the only nation that has ever committed mass murder with nuclear weapons (or to defend themselves against that nation). And there far more weapons available to armed groups than at any time in world history -- again, in no small part due to the blind greed of the elites of the "civilized" world who have promoted weapons sales with the shameless avidity of carnie barkers for decades. A couple of goobers with a grudge against some government can now buy .50- caliber rifles at a flea market and knock airliners out of the sky. The spread of weapons -- and weapons technology (not to mention the refinement of terrorist techniques, such as those taught by the CIA to the jihadists back in the 80s) -- has broken the monopoly of armed force once enjoyed by states. Together with the spread of nuclear arms technology, this development means that no great power can simply impose its will hither and yon without facing the prospect of substantial consequences from "asymmetric actors."

And today, the time lag between a criminal policy and its consequences grows much shorter all the time -- just as the virulence of that response is potentially much greater. For example, the United States engineered an illegal and stupid "regime change" in Iran in 1953, but did not have to face any direct consequences of this folly for more than a quarter of a century, and even these consequences were relatively limited. But there is general agreement that an attempt at "regime change" in Iran now would result in horrific consequences, immediately, including the possible collapse of the oil-based global economy, Shiite uprisings throughout the Middle East (especially against American forces in Iraq), "asymmetric" retaliation at American targets both at home and abroad and other pleasantries. (Similarly, the lag time between supporting the global jihad – which began in 1979 under Democrat Jimmy Carter – and the first fruit of that blowback, the first bombing of the World Trade Center, was just 14 years. How short will be the blowback from this latest arming and funding of al Qaeda and other Sunni extremists? A few years? A few months? Or right now – as many of these groups are allied with the Iraqi insurgents?)

And so, beyond the inherent immorality of supporting al Qaeda (yet again); beyond the inherent immorality of fomenting terrorist strikes inside Iran (and elsewhere); beyond the inherent – and downright Hitlerian – immorality of invading Iraq and possibly invading Iran, we have the simple fact that in today's world, the United States simply cannot "get away" with such extravagant stupidities anymore, for any length of time whatsoever. The rot is too deep, the compound interest is too high and the consequences too dire and immediate.

Not that any of this will make the slightest bit of difference to the idiot elitists in the White House now, of course.
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http://mathaba.net/z.htm?http://www.chris-floyd.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=1048&Itemid=135
Saturday, February 24, 2007 
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Published on Friday, February 23, 2007 by CommonDreams.org.
"Karl Rove Killed Anna Nicole Smith!"
by David Michael Green.
 

Well, probably not. I mean, maybe he did, for all I know – though I doubt it.

What is clear is that he couldn't have been more delighted that she died her splashy death. Or that the Super Bowl was all the rage just before that. Or that big snow storms hit just after. Or that Anna Nicole's body has returned to making headlines in death, just as it did in life.

Anything – anything! – to divert attention from his personal train wreck is just fine with Karl. It is crucial for him that you not be paying attention to the disaster he has created in Iraq and at 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue generally. Hence all the recent drum beating on Iran, as well.

Unfortunately for Karl – but luckily for the rest of the planet – it ain't working. And, the more you know of Rove and his ambitions, the more you realize just how much it ain't working. This guy had really, really big plans. Like his 19th-century hero, Mark Hanna, he was going to build a Republican majority that would last a generation. He has instead brought the party to ruin, quite possibly destroying it forever.

But Rove was always way overrated, anyhow. And that is true, even taken on his own cynical terms. It is, of course, especially true if one considers such hopelessly idealistic factors like providing for the welfare of the country, improving the quality of our political discourse, or maintaining the semblance of truth that is necessary to sustain democracy. But even if we forget all that good stuff and adopt Rove's own scorched earth approach to politics, where winning is everything and any means to that end is fair game, he is still a disaster. Only worse – he is a scorched earth disaster.

Bush now has job approval ratings in the low thirties and falling – on a good day. He singlehandedly delivered both houses of Congress to the opposition party in 2006. Serious academic historians are already describing him as the worst president in American history, with a fourth of his presidency still to go. And the chances that he will be impeached rise with each week. Quite an impressive record, eh?

But the single best evidence of Rove's failure is, ironically, the election he (supposedly) won in 2004. This election was most remarkable for what didn't happen, namely that Bush didn't win in a landslide. Here was a guy who had been at ninety percent approval ratings three years earlier. Here was a guy who managed to fool the country into thinking he was some kind of hero before and after 9/11. Here was a war president – with all the rally-round-the-flag benefits associated with that status – also presiding over a decent enough economy. Here was an incumbent who could bring Air Force One to your town, and could make nationally televised speeches – before Congress, in massive churches, on the deck of aircraft carriers. Here was a candidate running against an opponent so embarrassingly lame he couldn't find a punch to throw if it had been given to him gift-wrapped, and who couldn't decide what he stood for and so tried to stand for everything all at once.

If that isn't a recipe for a blow-out, I don't know what is. And yet Rove only barely managed to push Bush across the finish line in a nail-biter. And even that only if we ignore the compelling evidence that Ohio was stolen. The true measure of Rove's failure is that he should have presided over the very landslide he had long envisioned, perhaps even complete with the generation-long realignment of American politics he craved. Instead, he had to send out the Swift Boaters and all the other dirty tricks from his famous repertoire of black bag operations in order just to barely hang on to a twice-stolen White House. And you know they had Scalia on deck, too, ready to perform his little magic trick again, if necessary.

The story is told that shortly after the Selection of 2000 Rove's analysis of the voting patterns convinced him that BushCo needed to govern from the far right in order to win reelection. His data showed him that the center had evaporated from the American political landscape, and that from this point forward the winning party would be the one that most successfully mobilized its base, rather than the one that could best appeal to the uncommitted middle. But while there may have been some shred of truth to that in January of 2001 (and even then there were better alternatives), it was certainly not the case by December of that year (regardless of who was responsible for 9/11).

Apart from the fact that he did manage to sell a near complete moron to 50 million American voters in 2000, Rove's reputation as a master strategist has been a joke, advanced by the fawning fearful in the mainstream media. This president – Rove's racehorse – could perhaps have even been considered by many to be one of the historical greats (gulp) if he had tacked toward the center, uniting the country and the world, and taking off from the lofty launching pad that widespread sympathy abroad and unified public support at home provided in the wake of 9/11. Had they pursued a centrist agenda, had they not excluded and demonized their opponents while questioning their patriotism, had they foregone their breathtaking arrogance, and had they genuinely and competently pursued national security at home and abroad, Bush and the GOP would have been unbeatable in 2004 and 2006, and Rove might have had his realignment for the history books.

But there were two reasons that didn't occur. One is Iraq, where in a sense it is inaccurate to say that Bush is now doubling down with his escalation, but only because he had doubled-down once already, making the escalation a quadrupling of his wager. The very invasion itself was the original all-or-nothing bet of the entire Bush presidency, and not necessarily a bad one, really, from the ultra-cynical Rovian perspective. Had the war actually ended when Bush stood on the USS Abraham Lincoln declaring "mission accomplished", Rove might have achieved what he set out to do.

My guess is that each of the principals in the administration brought to the table their own reason for wanting to invade Iraq. For Bush it was to do something better than Daddy for once in his life. For Cheney, oil and contractor bonanzas. For Wolfowitz and Perle, defeating an enemy of Israel. And for Rumsfeld, proving his theory about the application of 21st century military power. For Rove, though, it was to enhance and consolidate the president's power – allowing Bush to jam his domestic agenda down the throats of the American people, via a compliant and very Republican Congress – and solidifying the foundation for his restructuring project.

Bush and Rove believed they had learned from history that a quick little rout of some punk country somewhere Americans couldn't find on a map (which is to say, just about all of them) was a damn good elixir for a presidency. According to Mickey Herskowitz, who interviewed Bush and crew extensively in 1999, the gang was amazed at the domestic political benefits that had accrued to Margaret Thatcher from winning the Falklands War, and believed, conversely, that Jimmy Carter's problem was that he didn't do the same. In Russ Baker's stunningly revelatory article on candidate Bush, Herskowitz quotes him as saying "One of the keys to being seen as a great leader is to be seen as a commander in chief. My father had all this political capital built up when he drove the Iraqis out of Kuwait and he wasted it. If I have a chance to invade, if I had that much capital, I'm not going to waste it. I'm going to get everything passed that I want to get passed and I'm going to have a successful presidency."

The great irony, and one of the enduring historical puzzles of our time, is that it might well have worked, had they done the thing right. What makes the sheer absurdity of their Keystone Kops-quality efforts in Iraq so mysterious is that so much was at stake for them, as we've now seen. It was an all-in bet. You either win the whole jackpot and rule the world, or you go home in just your underwear (if you're lucky) or perhaps an orange jumpsuit (if you're not). Imagine if you were sitting at that table. Would you somehow pass on drawing a crucial card to which you were entitled? Would you casually neglect to protect against tipping your hand to your opponent, with so much at stake? Of course not. So why did BushCo screw it up so badly?

The answer to that question brings us to the second reason for the failure of the administration, and of the movement it spearheaded: They don't care about good governance. In fact, they don't even care about it enough to practice it sufficiently to feed their true lust. Like, say, Dick Morris, Bill Clinton's sometime guru and sometime nemesis, Rove may ultimately prove to be rather more nonideological than not, in the same way ("Power! I must have more power!") that he is profoundly amoral. Cheney, of course, certainly is not nonideological, though he is definitely as amoral as it gets this side of Dachau. But the whole lot of them represent utter throwbacks to the nineteenth century (on a good day, more like the twelfth most of the time), when the game of politics in America was far more about capturing government spoils for pillaging by your team's special interests than it was about governance in the public interest.

It seems likely in retrospect that the real reason everything they touch fails – Katrina, global warming, North Korea, deficits and more, no less than Iraq – is because they never came to Washington to make any of it succeed. The fact that Bush is the very antithesis of a policy wonk is only partly explained by the same set of characteristics that account for him literally not reading books or newspapers. It's not just that he famously lacks intellectual curiosity. It's also that he just doesn't give a damn about your boring little bourgeois problems, dude. You know, like having a job, educating your kids or accessing quality health care. And why should he? He and his people are taken care of, thank you very much. In this sense, David Kuo's outing of the administration's treatment of even its religious conservative allies was paradigmatic. The attitude has been, essentially: "We'll pretend to care about your pathetic obsessions with embryos and queers and all things sexual just long enough for you freaks and your shock troops to deliver us power at the ballot box. Then we'll throw the occasional Supreme Court justice your way, but otherwise, shut up already, wouldya? Why don't you guys go off in the corner and pray or something?"

Apply that same governmental nonchalance mentality to Iraq, and what you get are a bunch of very bad decisions made by a bunch of completely unqualified cronies sent there to advance Bush family loyalty and Cheney style kleptocracy, rather than competent governance on behalf of the Iraqi people. But who cares? If you don't give a damn about the American middle class, you sure as hell don't care about a bunch of miserable Arabs, right?

Right. Except that Colin Powell actually got one thing correct in his life when he told Bush, "You break it, you own it". And so, in one of the great cosmic comeuppances of all time, the same predatory indifference with which BushCo has been skewering all of us for six years came back to bite them, hard. In fact, hard enough to destroy this political disease masquerading as a presidency, as well as the horse it rode in on.

Bush is over. The only remaining accomplishment possibly within his and Cheney's grasp would be the miraculous completion of their term. Meanwhile, both the movement of the regressive right and the Republican Party itself might be over, as well, especially if the Jim Webb wing (stones) can wrest the Democratic Party from the Harry Reid wing (sans stones), and start calling things for what they are in this country. It's the thirteenth round now, and bloodied Democrats have mostly forgotten how to slug their opponent, not having employed that particular technology for about twenty-five years. Republicans, meanwhile, drunk silly on their own hubris, teeter senselessly about the ring, waiting for a mere exhalation from the other guy to knock them over and out.

Americans know they hate Iraq. They know they hate national debt. They're pissed off about Katrina and global warming. Their children's schools suck, their healthcare security is crumbling and their income streams feel precarious. And there's a lot more where all that came from. All that's missing now is for the Democratic Party having the courage to weave all of this together into an integrated narrative frame. On the day that happens, this sick monster that has haunted America and the world for a quarter-century will crawl back under the rock from which it came. On the day you hear Democrats talking about the failure of conservatism as an ideology – in the same fashion that Republicans have so successfully wrongly articulated a general failure of liberalism – on that day this nightmare will be over.

The only thing saving regressive conservatism today is the knock-kneed weakness of the alleged opposition party. And even that seemingly intractable pattern of political cowardice now appears to be thawing, as a disgusted public leads its Democratic (and, increasingly, Republican) 'leaders' in a serious course correction – a wee bit of national behavior modification, you might say – to the point where even the New York Times is now getting it and running op-eds pondering whether America is turning left. Progressives just need to regain the courage of the correct convictions, and start verbalizing those straightforward notions in ways that they (or at least Democrats) have not since Ronald Reagan rode into town selling his feel-good tonic of one part voodoo economics ("Hey, free money!") and one part Hollywood jingoism ("Hey, kick ass!"). It fairly boggles the mind that such a patently bogus ideology could be so successful for so long, based more or less exclusively upon Madison Avenue magic. But then I guess if P.T. Barnum could keep the gawkers moving by painting "This Way To The Egress!" over the exit door, the ability to sell political snake-oil by employing a combination of primal fear, Oscar-caliber stagecraft, and sophisticated computer and communications technology shouldn't be so surprising.

In any case, the regressive cancer which has been too long ripping apart this country and the world is today just one good framing away from the ash bin of history. If we could just move the genteel and ineffectual Harry Reids of this world gently aside, we could stick a fork in this beast once and for all. I think the public is already there, in pieces (Iraq, debt, Katrina, global warming, etc.). What is lacking now is the unifying narrative to weave together those pieces into the general discourse of a failed ideology.

Meanwhile, boy, that Karl Rove sure is a genius, isn't he? What else but genius does it require to take a president from ninety percent to thirty percent job approval ratings? Who else but a genius could make a country loved worldwide in 2002 into a country hated by 2003? What else but genius is needed to unravel a political party that has been around for a century and a half, the party of Abraham Lincoln, a party which controlled both houses of Congress and has historically won better than 60 percent of the presidential elections it contested, including seven out of the last ten?

How 'bout that, eh? This guy's a one man weapon of mass destruction! If only Bush had sent Rove to Iraq as a political advisor, instead of deploying 150,000 American troops, Saddam's regime might have been destroyed without any loss of life.

Instead, after six years of disastrous policy, after six years of arrogant determination to do everything different than the hated Clinton administration no matter how absurd (like the Contraries in "Little Big Man", who bathe with dirt, dry themselves off with water, and ride their horses facing backwards) – after all that, there's Bush and his minions now desperately trying – on Palestine/Israel, on North Korea and, truth be told, on Iraq – to scramble back to where Clinton left off in 2001. Good one, guys! Nice try at that whole shuttle diplomacy thing, Condi.

Those issues were hard enough to resolve back then. Add in six years of Bush administration neglect (in the best case scenarios) or foolish meddling (in the worst), and they've become hopelessly intractable now.

It's worth remembering that when the Bushistas came to town – false arrogance borne of personal insecurity oozing from their every pore – they literally told the press that everyone could now relax because "the grownups were back in charge".

How 'bout them apples?

Yeah, sure, technically these are grownups – but then so was Anna Nicole Smith.

If these are grownups, I'm ready to take my chances on a bright teenager or two.

And if these are geniuses, I'm the Queen of England.

(Hint: I'm not the Queen.)

David Michael Green is a professor of political science at Hofstra University in New York. He is delighted to receive readers' reactions to his articles (dmg@regressiveantidote.net), but regrets that time constraints do not always allow him to respond. More of his work can be found at his website, www.regressiveantidote.net.