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Health Care For All – NOW – Support Single Payer



Last Updated: 11/26/2009

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October 12, 2009 - Monday 

Category: News and Politics
Congress will vote on single-payer legislation this week!

They need to hear your support for Single Payer (Improved Medicare For All) today.  Monday is a holiday and if their message box is full, try Tuesday morning!  

Easy and free to get connected to your Reps here:
http://tools.advomatic.com/35/hc-n/

Script for REPRESENTATIVES
I am calling to urge Representative _______ to support Rep. Weiner's single-payer amendment to HR 3200, which will receive a floor vote soon.
The Weiner amendment would essentially make all Americans eligible for Medicare.
Also, I urge the Representative to retain Rep. Kucinich's amendment to HR 3200 which would give states the ability to create their own single-payer systems.
Thank you for your support on this very important matter.
Script for SENATORS
I am calling to urge Senator _______ to support S. 703 when Sen. Bernie Sanders brings it to the floor for a debate and vote.
S. 703 is single-payer healthcare legislation that would save Americans billions of dollars while providing universal, comprehensive coverage to all Americans.
Thank you for your support on this very important matter.

SEND THIS TO AT LEAST 5 OTHERS!

October 5, 2009 - Monday 

Category: News and Politics
Don’t despair—
single-payer healthcare is still alive
and gaining support

They said single-payer was off the table. In the next two weeks there will be a floor vote on HR 676 in the House.

They said Democrats would never support single-payer, yet PDA led the successful effort to get key state parties to adopt resolutions in support of HR 676. And the national party adopted "everybody in, nobody out" as a plank in their platform.

They said the AFL-CIO only supports the public option, but hundreds of local unions endorsed HR 676, leading to adoption by the AFL-CIO convention of their first single-payer resolution in over 25 years.

When they say a patient can't be saved, nurses keep trying.

When they say it's not politically possible, PDA organizes harder.

That's why we work so well together.

So thank you PDA for stepping up for healthcare NOT warfare!

The next two weeks are crucial for healthcare reform.

We need to get a big majority of Democrats to vote for the Weiner amendment (
http://pdamerica.org/pdacms/sites/default/files/HR3200_Weiner_676.pdf) -- Medicare for All, HR 676--when it comes to a vote.

Unlike other approaches to reform, this isn't insurance reform--it doesn't keep the private insurance companies at the apex of power. It eliminates them. It would solve the crisis with comprehensive benefits, a single standard of quality care for all, real cost control, fiscally conservative budgeting, and progressive financing.

Knowing the odds are against us, we won't stop, and we're already planning for the next fight...in the states. Should federal reform pass with full implementation set for 2013, we'll have opportunities before then to win real reform in California, and Pennsylvania, Maine, Ohio or Colorado.

We just need to make sure states can legally implement single-payer. So Congressman Dennis Kucinich has secured a provision in HR 3200--the leadership bill in the House--that resolves the biggest legal obstacles in the way of state single-payer (
http://kucinich.house.gov/News/DocumentSingle.aspx?DocumentID=138052)

Let's make sure Speaker Nancy Pelosi, Majority Leader Steny Hoyer, and key committee chair Henry Waxman support keeping the Kucinich amendment. Call them at the capital switchboard: (202) 224–3121.

These votes represent opportunities for real progress. Progressive progress.

That's why the California Nurses Association/National Nurses Organizing Committee has joined with PDA.

Together, we make a formidable alliance. Together, we will change healthcare. Together, we will replace corporate power with people power.

In solidarity,

Michael Lighty, Director of Public Policy
California Nurses Association/National Nurses Organizing Committee
 
October 3, 2009 - Saturday 

Category: News and Politics
A LETTER TO YOU FROM MAHD, DR. PAUL HOCHFELD

Dear Friends,

I have a disappointing story to share with you. It is a call to action.

As you may know, the current health reform being written in Congress, particularly that being put together in the Senate Finance Committee (which is literally being written by the former Vice President of Wellpoint - a large insurer), will not be universal and will not control health costs. It will not stop medical bankruptcies and foreclosures due to medical debt. It will not end the suffering and preventable deaths. It will not produce a health care system that uses our health care dollars wisely.

We have a simple solution that will end the suffering and save lives: Expanded and improved Medicare for all. But this solution is being excluded.

In a brash move, the White House is again demonstrating the exclusion of those who advocate for real health reform. I will tell you how.

At the end of August, in response to the heated Town Halls and the opposition to health reform, Physicians for a National Health Program and the Leadership Conference for Guaranteed Health Care sent letters to President Obama requesting a meeting with him. As the legislation that Congress was putting together was falling apart, we asked to work with the President for real health reform that is simple to understand: Medicare for All. It would be a win for th e people in America and a win for the President. He refused to meet with us.

In early September, a group of physicians known as the Mad As Hell Doctors (www.madashelldoctors.com) also wrote to the President. On September 8th they left Oregon to drive across the country, stopping in towns along the way to speak out for Single Payer. Their message was simple, they were angry about the current health care situation in America and wanted to channel that energy for change. They asked for a meeting with the President upon their arrival in Washgington, DC. The President refused. Thousands of people sent letters to the White House asking the President to meet with the Mad As Hell Docs, but still he refused. The only response they received was a request to stop sending so many emails.

On September 30th, the Mad As Hell Docs arrived in Washington, D.C. and held a rally in Lafayette Park in front of the White House. Doctors from across the country attended. They told the crowd why they believed, based on their years of practicing medicine and the stories they heard during their tour about the unimaginable suffering and deaths, that single payer is the solution. Their voices were not heard in the White House, or were they?

This afternoon we received the following media alert:
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
_______________________________________________________________________________________
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
October 2, 2009

DOCTORS FROM AROUND THE COUNTRY TO JOIN PRESIDENT OBAMA AT THE WHITE HOUSE
Doctors Offer Their Help and Support to the President in Push for Health Insurance Reform

WASHINGTON—On Monday, October 5, President Obama will welcome doctors from across the United States to the White House. The doctors from all over the country will join the President in pushing for health insurance reform this year and have offered their help and support. As the Senate Finance Committee wraps up their work on health reform legislation, these doctors will come to the White House to share their unique perspective on the st ruggles that American families face every day when it comes to health care. The President and the doctors agree that inaction is no longer an option as so many people from all across America face rising costs and growing insecurity with their health insurance.

MONDAY, OCTOBER 5th, 11:10 AM EDT
Rose Garden
Open Press (Pre-set 10:10 AM – Final Gather 10:40 AM – North Doors of the Palm Room)

The sham debate is continuing. The White House is inviting doctors from all around the country (sound familiar?) to meet with the President. We can only surmise that these doctors were hand picked to be those who support the President's agenda and to make it appear as though the President has broad support for the legislation in Congress. This is very disappointing.

But it is clearly a call to action.

We are asking you to join us on Monday morning at the White House.

Dress professionally and wear your white coat if you have one. Wear your single payer accessories. Wear your white ribbons (the sym bol of single payer). We will gather outside the White House by 10 am and request that our representatives be allowed to attend the meeting. If we are not allowed in, we will stand outside the fence. We must take a stand for real reform. We cannot be silent.

Please let us know if you can attend and please forward this email. This is an opportunity to be heard and we need you there! If those who oppose health reform can come out in large numbers, can't we who support real reform come out in large numbers and take a stand to end needless suffering and death? How many must die and suffer before we take action?

Thank you,

Margaret Flowers
410-591-0892
mdpnhp@gmail.com

Paul Hochfeld
541-740-4065
phochfeld@msn.com
 


October 3, 2009 - Saturday 

Category: News and Politics
October 3, 2009 - Saturday 

Category: News and Politics

Why the Current Bills Don’t Solve Our Health Care Crisis

By Rose Ann DeMoro & Michael Moore

Now we know why they’ve stopped calling this health care reform, and started calling it insurance reform. The current bills advancing in Congress look more like rearranging the deck chairs on the insurance Titanic than actually ending our long health care nightmare.

Some laudable elements are in various versions of the bills, especially expanding Medicaid, cutting the private insurance-padding waste of Medicare Advantage, and limiting the ability of the insurance giants to ban and dump people who have been or who ever will be sick.

But, overall, the leading bills and the President’s proposal are, like the dog that didn’t bark, more notable for what is missing.

Here are 13 problems with the current health care bills (partial list):

1. No cost controls on insurance companies. The coming sharp increases in premiums, deductibles, co-pays, co-insurance, etc. will quickly outpace any projected protections from caps on out-of-pocket costs.

2. Insurance companies will continue to be able to use marketing techniques to cherry-pick healthier, less costly enrollees.

3. No restrictions on insurance denials of care that insurers don’t want to pay for. In case you missed it, the California Nurses Association/National Nurses Organizing Committee uncovered data on the California Department of Managed Care website recently that found six of the biggest California insurers rejected, on annual average, more than one-fifth of all claims every year since 2002.

4. No challenge to insurance company monopolies, especially in the top 94 metropolitan areas, where one or two companies dominate, severely limiting choice and competition.

5. A massive government bailout for the insurance industry through the combination of the individual mandate requiring everyone not covered to buy insurance, public subsidies which go for buying insurance, no regulation on what insurers can charge, and no restrictions on their ability to decide what claims to pay.

6. No controls on drug prices. The White House deal with Big Pharma, which won bipartisan approval in the Senate Finance Committee, opposes the use of government leverage to negotiate real cost controls on inflated drug prices.

7. No single standard of care. Our multi-tiered system remains with access to care still determined by ability to pay.

8. Tax on comprehensive insurance plans. That will encourage employers to reduce benefits, shift more costs to employees, promote proliferation of bare-bones, high-deductible plans, and lead to more self-rationing of care and medical bankruptcies.

9. Not universal. Some people will remain uncovered, including those exempted, and undocumented workers, denying them treatment, exposing everyone to communicable diseases and inflating health care costs.

10. No definition of covered benefits.

11. No protection for our public safety net. Public hospitals and clinics will continue to be under-funded and a dumping ground for those the private system doesn’t want. Public monies going to hospitals serving low-income communities will be shifted to subsidies for private insurance.

12. Long delay in implementation. Many reforms don’t go into effect until 2013.

13. Nothing changes in basic structure of the system; health care remains a privilege, not a right.

We may be slow learners, but the rest of the industrial world has figured it out: Universal, single-payer or national health care systems. That’s the reason why all those other countries cover everyone, have better patient outcomes, cause no one to declare bankruptcy or lose their homes because of medical bills, and spend less than half per capita on health care than we do.

We could do it too, by reducing the starting age for Medicare from 65 to 0. There’s still time to act.

Call on your Congress member to support the vote coming up on the House floor on the Anthony Weiner amendment to protect, expand and improve Medicare for All. Senators have the same opportunity in a vote on Senate bill 703, being offered as a floor amendment by Senator Bernie Sanders.

Democrats must also ensure that whatever bill passes includes a provision enabling states to set up their own single-payer systems. These votes are the true litmus tests of the Democrats’ commitment to guaranteeing health care for all, and finally solving our health care crisis.




 
October 3, 2009 - Saturday 

Category: News and Politics

Apple, Inc. has censored an iPhone application called iSinglePayer because they say it's "politically charged." The app allows users to learn about single-payer healthcare and contact their Representative.

Apple has approved political applications like "Conservative Talking Points," so why censor a single-payer healthcare application?

Call or email Apple PR now and tell them to stop censoring single-payer voices and approve the iSinglePayer iPhone App.

Contact:
Natalie Kerris
nat@apple.com
(408) 974-6877

Read the iSinglePayer developer's full story about the censorship here:
http://lambdajive.wordpress.com/2009/09/26/isinglepayer-iphone-app-censored-by-apple/

September 30, 2009 - Wednesday 

Category: News and Politics

Imagine getting sick, getting bills you can't pay, then being sent to jail


Lawsuits, lost wages, even jail can result

By Janell Ross
THE TENNESSEAN

Kenneth Hoagland went to jail for what started as a cold.

Hoagland had refinanced his Nashville home to pay off the $25,000 tab for his weeklong diabetes-related stay at
Southern Hills Medical Center.

The new mortgage left Hoagland out of medical debt but afraid to get sick again.

Unfortunately, he did. In 2004, Hoagland was in a health insurance waiting period on a new job when a cold turned into two days at
Vanderbilt University Medical Center. This time, the bill was just over $1,200.

When a collection attorney working for Vanderbilt filed suit in 2005, Hoagland was afraid to take time off from work to show up in court. After a series of hearings, attempts to collect the debt and what Hoagland says were genuine efforts to pay it, an attorney working for Vanderbilt asked a judge to issue what's known as a body attachment.

One Friday in late 2008, a sheriff's deputy went to Hoagland's home. Because he was at work, Hoagland was allowed to turn himself in the following Monday.

"They fingerprinted me, took my picture and asked some questions about my medical history," he said. "When the guy who tested (my blood sugar) asked me why I was there and I told him … he said, 'I didn't know we did that in this country.' I told him, 'Until now, I didn't either.' "

Hoagland, 36, is one of the hundreds of thousands of Americans — insured and uninsured — facing collection suits, wage garnishments and, more rarely, trips to jail because of medical debt.

On the other side are doctors and hospitals that say they try to work with debtors and provide millions in free care, but unpaid medical bills affect their ability to care for others.

Medical debt isn't closely tracked by courts, but it's one of the many types of debt collection suits that keep Davidson County's General Sessions Courts so busy that the people at the center of those cases sometimes fill the courtroom's audience seating and even the jury box.

But it's the docket, the list of cases that will be heard in Courtroom 5D on any given day and the people with cases on it, that really tells the story. Some entries reveal the types of services rendered.

There are cases filed by Associates in Gastroenterology, the Anesthesia Medical Group and Nashville Bone and Joint PLLC. And then, there are the names of nearly all the area's hospitals.

The suits represent attempts to collect on bills that in cases examined this summer ranged from $81 to $22,000. They are, in most cases, bills patients never expected to accumulate.

Judge Dan Eisenstein, one of the judges who hears these cases in Courtroom 5D, said debtors summoned to court often dispute just how much is owed to a landlord or whether a credit card debt is really theirs.

But debtors rarely dispute medical bills.

"There's not a lot of dispute because people just have no choice," he said. "They needed the care, and the law says they have to cover their bills.

"But it's certainly tough to come into this courtroom and see people who have been sick or hurt and cannot pay their bills."

Medical bankruptcy rises

A study published in the American Journal of Medicine this year found that medical debt is deeply damaging the finances of American families.

Based on a survey of 2007 filings, researchers estimate 62.1 percent of all bankruptcies that year were caused by medical debt and that 92 percent of these cases involved medical bills totaling more than $5,000, or 10 percent of the family's total pretax income.

Other cases met the researchers' criteria for "medical bankruptcy" because they had lost significant income from illness or mortgaged a home to pay medical debt.

Most medical debtors contacted by researchers were well-educated, owned homes and had middle-class occupations. Seventy-five percent of those surveyed had health insurance.

And, researchers found, the issue of medical debt has grown over time. Between 2001 and 2007, the share of bankruptcies attributable to medical problems rose by 49.6 percent.

Hoagland, who works in information technology, never filed bankruptcy or disputed his bill. Instead, he made payment arrangements with Vanderbilt and tried to keep them.
Sometimes he and his fiancée, Sonya Davis, had to choose between paying their mortgage or $200 a month on medical bills, Davis said. When that happened, they paid the mortgage. They figured the family had to have a place to live, and the house had belonged to Hoagland's parents.

Then Vanderbilt filed suit. When Hoagland missed a hearing because of a work emergency, the court ruled in his absence that Vanderbilt was due the full amount. He missed two more court dates aimed at determining his assets.

A judge issued a body attachment — a document issued in civil cases that demands defendants explain why they didn't appear in court. Sheriff's deputies find the defendants and, in many cases, take them to jail, where they are allowed to post bond quickly.

It's a rare action — out of 32,126 debt cases in General Sessions Court in 2008, for example, judges issued 98 body attachments.

Hoagland made bond and the $250 that he paid was applied to his debt. His wages were garnisheed for several months, and he thought he was paid up. Then a bill arrived several weeks ago for $70 — one he said he'll pay without question.

People delay care

Davis said the experience changed their lives.

"The choice now is, do I stay sick? Because if I go run up this bill and can't pay for it and then get arrested again, what then? What are you supposed to do?" she said.

Two months ago, they faced that question. Hoagland went to bed with a cold and woke up so listless that Davis knew immediately something was wrong.

His blood sugar was at 39. Hoagland's blood sugar is supposed to stay between 80 and 120. He could barely speak.

"I called the ambulance," Davis said. "And I hate to admit this, but as soon as they got here, I thought, 'Oh God, I hope they aren't going to have to take him.' He was sick, but I know he was probably thinking, 'We can't afford another set of medical bills.' "

The ambulance crew wanted to take Hoagland to the hospital but agreed to let Davis make him some breakfast and see if his blood sugar levels would normalize. They wouldn't leave until Hoagland drank some orange juice with a bit of sugar stirred in and his blood sugar surged.

As extreme as Hoagland's attempt to avoid another hospital bill may sound, it's not uncommon, said Shana Alex Lavarreda, the director of health insurance studies at the University of California, Los Angeles Center for Health Policy Research.

As a result of a study released by the center this year, Lavarreda began to hear troubling stories from people across the country who had delayed medical care because of existing medical debt.

"Delays in care could be something as serious as reattaching a portion of a finger or not or getting the respirator that you need," she said.

The situation highlights the fact that many insurance policies carry a high deductible. This can turn out to be burdensome for families without significant savings if someone becomes ill, Lavarreda said.

Drama outside courtroom

What happens inside Courtroom 5D at General Sessions Court can pale in comparison to the high drama in the hallway outside.

There, hospital debt collectors pull defendants to the side for hushed conversations about what they can realistically pay. If they can figure something out, defendants don't have to go back inside. The payment arrangement is entered into court records, and the person who owes the debt must pay it.

On Sept. 11, all the good hallway spots — with seating — were taken. So Centennial Medical Center's attorney beckoned Stacy Grondin up to the long tables where prosecutors and defendants usually sit facing the judge during trials.

The conversation was about the $997.74 bill Grondin incurred in 2006 at Centennial when her heart rate spiked.

"I really thought I was having a heart attack," she said.

Grondin, a grocery store manager, is insured. But she went to the hospital in an ambulance, and that required pre-approval from the insurance company.

So did her choice to seek care in an emergency room. She didn't have approval for
that either. So when it turned out the problem was anxiety or a condition doctors couldn't precisely determine, her claim was denied.

Tom Norris, Centennial's attorney, leaned in close.

"What kind of payment can you make?" he asked.

"I think maybe $50," Grondin said.

Norris accepted but declined to comment about Grondin's case or the collection process when approached by a reporter.

On that day, the bill was actually $1,246.96 — the original amount plus $161.75 in court costs and $87.47 in interest fees. The court costs are tacked on after collection efforts fail and a suit is filed. Interest accrues on medical debt at up to 10 percent after a court issues an order to pay.

But for Grondin, 35 and a single mother of three, that's not even the sum total of her medical debt.

While Grondin discussed her bill with Norris, her 9-year-old daughter, Emily, sat in the courtroom's gallery waiting for her mom to finish and take her to the doctor. Grondin feared Emily might have swine flu.

The little girl with the robin's-egg blue eyes and a pair of silvery scars on her forehead heard every word of the payment discussion.

Emily barely survived a 2003 car accident with her father at the wheel. He'd been drinking. She wasn't strapped in. A LifeFlight helicopter took her to Vanderbilt's children's hospital, where doctors saved her life.

Now Emily's father is in prison because of that accident, and her mother is trying to pay $2,115.25 in medical debt charged to a credit card. That's the 20 percent of Emily's bill that insurance didn't cover, plus court costs and interest.

"They sent papers to my job a couple of months ago saying they are going to garnish my wages, I think for her accident," Grondin said. "But that hasn't started yet."

Grondin said she's not sure how to feel. There's the reality that services were rendered. But then there's the fact that she is insured and still left with medical bills, collectors' phone calls and soon, maybe, a wage garnishment.

"I know it's our responsibility. It is ultimately my responsibility to pay," she said. "But ... when I first saw all the bills I was kind of mad because I am paying for this insurance which I barely use. Then, when it's needed, it's hardly there."

Grondin's medical debt story doesn't end there. Her boyfriend, who has two children of his own, recently declared bankruptcy because he couldn't have afforded child support and other bills if his wages were garnisheed to collect more than $7,000 in medical bills.

'It's good to have a plan'

Michael Wade Taylor, 57, was in Courtroom 5D just after 9 a.m. Aug. 28 when Judge Eisenstein called his name and case. Wedged between two men with debt cases of their own, Taylor stood and answered clearly, "Here."

Southern Hills Medical Center's attorney waved him into the hallway to work something out.

Today, Taylor is an unemployed construction worker. He had a job but no insurance in 2006, when doctors initially thought he'd had a stroke.

He spent several days in intensive care at Southern Hills, having a stent threaded from his groin to his heart to check for blockages. Later, he took a stress test on a treadmill.

The eventual diagnosis: "They told me I had the heart of a teenager and didn't know what was wrong with me," Taylor said. "They sent me home, and since that time I kept going down and going down.

"Then I find out that for those four days they charged me $33,000. Thirty-three thousand dollars for nothing."

Hospital staff checked to see if he could qualify for TennCare — state-subsidized medical coverage — but his income was too high. Then they talked with him about financial aid and setting up a payment plan. Taylor said he didn't qualify because he didn't have a checking account.

The bills started coming, then the phone calls, then the loss of his job in 2008.

Turns out either he didn't have the heart of a teenager or it aged very quickly, Taylor said. Two months ago, he had open-heart surgery for an arterial blockage. This time, because he was unemployed, TennCare paid the tab.

He and Southern Hills' attorney reached an agreement that would let Taylor pay $20 a month until he covers $3,000 of the bill from three years ago.

"It's good to have some kind of plan," he said. "Really having that hanging over me was just something that took a situation from bad to worse."

Hospitals provide free care

Deals like Taylor's — taking a $33,000 bill down to $3,000 — aren't uncommon, area hospital systems say. They give away millions in medical care each year.

Meanwhile, they say, unpaid medical debt keeps them from covering important capital costs — such as replacing buildings and equipment — or improving treatment and services.

Each has a policy of absorbing or forgiving some medical debt, but that benefits the poorest and most severely ill patients. Employees help some patients who qualify, such as Taylor, enroll in TennCare.

In fiscal year 2009, for example, Vanderbilt had $274.3 million in unpaid medical bills and absorbed about $197.9 million of that. It writes off debt for patients whose bills exceed their annual income or who earn less than 250 percent of the federal poverty rate — about $55,000 for a family of four.

Vanderbilt provides almost half of all the uncompensated care delivered in Davidson County, spokesman John Howser said.

TriStar Health System, which operates five health-care facilities in the Nashville area, offers similar help for low-income patients.

"The No. 1 reason for charity care denials is that they do not submit the application," spokeswoman Teri Smith said.

The hospital system provided about $158 million in uncompensated care during calendar year 2008. This figure includes unpaid medical debt, bills that the hospital wrote off for its poorest patients and discounts offered to uninsured patients, Smith said.

Saint Thomas Health Services, which operates Saint Thomas and Baptist hospitals, is owed $90 million in unpaid medical debt for services provided over the past three years, spokeswoman Rebecca Climer said.

This figure does not include what the hospital system has forgiven or provided free to patients who cannot pay, Climer said. The system is a part of Ascension Health, the largest not-for-profit health-care system in the nation.

The hospital has a fiscal responsibility to attempt to collect unpaid debt from those who can pay, Climer said.

Additional Facts
September 30, 2009 - Wednesday 

Category: News and Politics

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September 23, 2009 - Wednesday 

Category: News and Politics
Gee, wonder how this missed the mainstream news. 

Paul Craig Roberts served as an Assistant Secretary of the Treasury in the Reagan Administration earning fame as the "Father of Reaganomics" and he supports Single Payer. 

Read his article below and also check out Republicans For Single Payer (http://republicansforsinglepayer.org/) and this article about a Republican Doctor who advocates for Single Payer.  And forward to your conservative friends!

Paul Craig Roberts

Health Care Deceit

The current health care "debate" shows how far gone representative government is in the United States. Members of Congress represent the powerful interest groups that fill their campaign coffers, not the people who vote for them.

The health care bill is not about health care. It is about protecting and increasing the profits of the insurance companies. The main feature of the health care bill is the "individual mandate," which requires everyone in America to buy health insurance. Senate Finance Committee chairman Max Baucus, D-Mont., a recipient of millions in contributions over his career from the insurance industry, proposes to impose up to a $3,800 fine on Americans who fail to purchase health insurance.

The determination of "our" elected representatives to serve the insurance industry is so compelling that Congress is incapable of recognizing the absurdity of these proposals.

The reason there is a health care crisis in the U.S. is that the cumulative loss of jobs and benefits has swollen the uninsured to approximately 50 million Americans. They cannot afford health insurance any more than employers can afford to provide it.
It is absurd to mandate that people purchase what they cannot afford and to fine them for failing to do so. A person who cannot pay a health insurance premium cannot pay the fine.

These proposals are like solving the homeless problem by requiring the homeless to purchase a house.

In his speech, Obama said "we'll provide tax credits" for "those individuals and small businesses who still can't afford the lower-priced insurance available in the exchange," and he said low-cost coverage will be offered to those with pre-existing medical conditions. A tax credit is useless to those without income unless the credit is refundable, and subsidized coverage doesn't do much for those millions of Americans with no jobs.

Baucus masquerades as a defender of the health impaired with his proposal to require insurers to provide coverage to all comers, as if the problem of health care can be reduced to pre-existing conditions and cancelled policies. It was left to Rep. Dennis Kucinich to point out that the health care bill ponies up 30 million more customers for the private insurance companies.

The private sector is no longer the answer because the income levels of the vast majority of Americans are insufficient to bear the cost of health insurance today. To provide some perspective, the monthly premium for a 60-year-old female for a group policy (employer-provided) with Blue Cross Blue Shield in Florida is about $1,200. That comes to $14,400 per year. Only employees in high-productivity jobs that can provide both a livable salary and health care can expect to have employer-provided coverage.

If a 60-year-old female has to buy a non-group policy as an individual, the premium would be even higher. How, for example, is a Wal-Mart shelf-stocker or checkout clerk going to be able to pay a private insurance premium?

Even the present public option — Medicare — is very expensive to those covered. Basic Medicare is insufficient coverage. Part B has been added, for which about $100 per month is deducted from the covered person's Social Security check. If the person is still earning or has other retirement income, an "income-related monthly adjustment" is also deducted as part of the Part B premium. And if the person is still working, his earnings are subject to the 2.9 percent Medicare tax.

Even with Part B, Medicare coverage is still insufficient except for the healthy. For many people, additional coverage from private supplementary policies, such as the ones sold by AARP, is necessary. These premiums can be as much as $277 per month. Deductibles remain, and prescriptions are only 50 percent covered. If the drug prescription policy is chosen, the premium is higher.

This leaves a retired person on Medicare who has no other retirement income of significance paying as much as $4,500 per year in premiums in order to create coverage under Medicare that still leaves half of his prescription medicines out-of-pocket. Considering the cost of some prescription medicines, a Medicare-covered person with Part B and a supplementary policy can still face bankruptcy.

Therefore, everyone should take note that a "public option" can leave people with large out-of-pocket costs. I know a professional who has chosen to continue working beyond retirement age. His Medicare coverage with supplemental coverage, Medicare tax and income-related monthly adjustment comes to $16,400 per year. Those people who want to deny Medicare to the rich will cost the system a lot of money.

What the U.S. needs is a single-payer not-for-profit health system that pays doctors and nurses sufficiently that they will undertake the arduous training and accept the stress and risks of dealing with illness and diseases.

A private health care system worked in the days before expensive medical technology, malpractice suits, high costs of bureaucracy associated with third-party payers, heavy investment in combating fraud and pressure on insurance companies from Wall Street to improve "shareholder returns."

Despite the rise in premiums, payments to health care providers, such as doctors, appear to be falling along with coverage to policyholders. The system is no longer functional and no longer makes sense. Health care has become an incidental rather than primary purpose of the health care system. Health care plays second fiddle to insurance company profits and salaries to bureaucrats engaged in fraud prevention and discovery. There is no point in denying coverage to one-sixth of the population in the name of saving a nonexistent private free market health care system.

The only way to reduce the cost of health care is to take the profit and paperwork out of health care.

Nothing humans design will be perfect. However, Congress is making it clear to the public that the wrong issues are front and center, such as the belief of Rep. Joe Wilson, R-S.C., and others that illegal aliens and abortions will be covered if government pays the bill.

Debate focuses on subsidiary issues because Congress no longer writes the bills it passes. As Theodore Lowi made clear in his book "The End of Liberalism," the New Deal transferred lawmaking from the legislative to the executive branch. Executive branch agencies and departments write bills that they want and hand them off to sponsors in the House and Senate. Powerful interest groups took up the same practice.

The interest groups that finance political campaigns expect their bills to be sponsored and passed.

Thus, a health care reform bill based on forcing people to purchase private health insurance and fining them if they do not.

When bills become mired in ideological conflict, as has happened to the health care bill, something usually passes nevertheless. The president, his PR team and members of Congress want a health care bill on their resume and to be able to claim that they passed a health care bill, regardless of whether it provides any health care.

The cost of adding public expenditures for health care to a budget drowning in red ink from wars, bank bailouts and stimulus packages means that the most likely outcome of a health care bill will benefit insurance companies and use mandated private coverage to save public money by curtailing Medicare and Medicaid.

The public's interest is not considered to be the important determinant. The politicians have to please the insurance companies and reduce health care expenditures in order to save money for another decade or two of war in the Middle East.

The telltale part of Obama's speech was the applause in response to his pledge that "I will not sign a plan that adds one dime to our deficits." Yet, Obama and his fellow politicians have no hesitation to add trillions of dollars to the deficit in order to fund wars.

The profits of military-security companies are partly recycled into campaign contributions. To cut war spending in order to finance a public health care system would cost politicians campaign contributions from both the insurance industry and the military-security industry.

Politicians are not going to allow that to happen.

It was the war in Afghanistan, not health care, that President Obama declared to be a "necessity."

To find out more about Paul Craig Roberts, and read features by other Creators Syndicate writers and cartoonists, visit the Creators Syndicate web page at www.creators.com.
September 15, 2009 - Tuesday 

Category: News and Politics
For-profit health insurance is a racket. 



The profit motive does not work for health insurance.  
Healthcare is not a market commodity like a car or toaster. 
Even the father of free market economics, F.A. Hayek understood this.


F.A. Hayek, founding gestalt of Libertarian free-market economics, whose seminal book, “The Road to Serfdom,” is a continuous screed against government as the ultimate threat to freedom and free markets freedom’s guarantor, writes:
Nor is there any reason why the state should not assist the individuals in providing for those common hazards of life against which, because of their uncertainty, few individuals can make adequate provision. Where, as in the case of sickness and accident, neither the desire to avoid such calamities nor the efforts to overcome their consequences are as a rule weakened by the provision of assistance—where, in short, we deal with genuinely insurable risks—the case for the state’s helping to organize a comprehensive system of social insurance is very strong."

 
September 14, 2009 - Monday 

Category: News and Politics
September 13, 2009 - Sunday 

Category: News and Politics

September 10, 2009 - Thursday 

Category: News and Politics
Best Rebuttal to John Mackey
by our own Dr. Joel A. Harrison 

YES, TO HEALTHCARE FOR ALL,
NO, TO MACKEY’S WHOLE FOOD CARE
 Rebuttal to John Mackey

Summary of article at
Dollars and Sense Magazine
Whole Foods and Health Care 

WHOLE FOOD BOYCOTT ACTION PAGE
ON FACEBOOK.
 

http://www.facebook.com/WholeFoodsBoycott

Even if you have already joined the Facebook "Group" please join the Facebook "Page."  Facebook will not allow "Groups" of over 5000 to communicate with their members but "Pages" have no limits and can message events by location.  Please spread the word to help us organize and keep everyone updated with important news and information related to the boycott.   THANK YOU!!


September 9, 2009 - Wednesday 

Category: News and Politics
Monday, Sep. 07, 2009

Wendell Potter: The Making of a Health-Care Whistleblower


Wendell Potter may be the ideal whistleblower. The former head of corporate communications for health insurance giant Cigna, Potter turned against his old colleagues in June to testify before a Congressional committee about what he viewed as the health insurance industry's "duplicitous" behavior in the current health reform debate. In his testimony, Potter outlined specific techniques insurers employ to "dump the sick" and protect stock price at all costs. His testimony was logical, specific and convincing, but that's only part of what makes Wendell Potter a perfect turncoat in the eyes of the pro-reform movement. (See pictures of the angry health-care debate.)

The other part is his manner. Before Congress, at subsequent pro-reform rallies around the country, and in the many television interviews Potter grants, he plays the role of the soft-spoken dad, calmly laying out his indictment of the for-profit insurance industry with a slight Tennessee twang, his gray hair buzzed and a pair of wire-rimmed glasses perched on his nose. He isn't prone to hyperbole and, despite that he became a whistleblower to "make amends" for the wrong he feels he did as a health insurance executive, Potter is eerily calm, an island of serenity in the midst of the reform debate currently playing out at raucous town hall meetings and amidst charges of Nazism and racism. His effective communication technique is not accidental — Potter, after all, spent two decades working as a public relations expert. (See the top 10 health-care reform fight ads.)

Potter's moment of decision came one evening earlier this year when he was watching MSNBC's Chris Matthews talk about how "the cosmos has shifted" this time around, that the health insurance industry was at the negotiating table and on board with reform. Potter thought to himself, "Oh, jeez, Chris. Give me a break." Potter, who retired from Cigna in May 2008 after he became disillusioned with the for-profit health insurance industry, decided to end his silence. (Potter's conversion was prompted, in part, by the 2007 case of 17-year-old Natalie Sarkisyan, who died shortly after Cigna initially denied her coverage for a liver transplant. Then-presidential candidate John Edwards used the case an example of why health care reform was necessary.)

An old acquaintance helped usher Potter out of obscurity. Avram Goldstein was once a reporter for Bloomberg News who met Potter while writing about Cigna. Goldstein, who now works for the pro-reform advocacy group Health Care for America Now!, heard that Potter was quietly reaching out to some pro-reform advocates about possibly going public. "I called him and I said, 'Is this true? Are you seriously interested in this?,'" remembers Goldstein. "And he said, 'Yes, I think I am.' He had a little bit of trepidation." Goldstein helped connect Potter with Democratic Rep. Jay Rockefeller, who chairs the committee before which Potter ultimately appeared. Since then, "His activism has been nothing short of astonishing," says Goldstein. "He's a soft-spoken, serious man and has tremendous credibility."

Potter is now the only health insurance insider to lambaste — on the record — the industry's motives. Potter warns that the industry's cooperation, which has been hailed by Democrats, is hogwash, a "charm offensive" designed to disguise its true motive — profit. "This is just a repeat of what they've done before," says Potter, who was hired by Cigna around the time of President Clinton's push for reform in the early 1990s. Insurers were then, as now, pledging change in order to improve health care for Americans.

Unlike Jeffrey Wigand, the tobacco industry whistleblower made famous in the movie The Insider, Potter doesn't have a smoking gun or secret documents to unveil. He signed a confidentiality agreement before leaving Cigna and intends to honor it. "I have no intention of disclosing any proprietary information," he says. For-profit health insurance industry practices Potter talks about like rescission — dropping expensive-to-cover policy holders on the grounds they failed to disclose pre-existing health conditions — are not secrets. This is, in fact, how private health insurers make profits. In Potter's view, these practices just need more exposure, which he's happy to provide — on cable news or through his well-read blog for the non-partisan, public interest group the Center for Media and Democracy.
Although he's busy, Potter now earns far less than he did at Cigna, where he made "in the six figures." He's a non-salaried consultant for the Center for Media and Democracy, but has health insurance coverage through his wife, who manages a Banana Republic store. It's a low-cost, high-deductible plan — a model that provides coverage for catastrophic illness, but which kicks in only after policy holders spend thousands of dollars out of pocket first. In other words, it's an insurance industry-friendly model that companies like Cigna would like to see spread under health reform legislation still being written on Capitol Hill. Potter, in his newfound life as a health insurance industry critic, opposes this. "If you make $30,000 and you're the sole bread winner, this is putting you in trouble if you get sick," he says calmly.

Stardom has inundated Potter with pleas to speak at pro-reform events around the country. He obliges nearly every time, relieved at "being able to say what I really believe" after so many years as a tight-lipped health insurance public relations executive. Still, he isn't entirely comfortable being a health reform celebrity. "Even as I'm living this, it seems like there's another Wendell Potter out there and I'm somehow observing this," he says. "I was in Oregon [at a rally] and I heard someone whisper, 'There's Wendell Potter.' That was a very odd thing." Plus, his decision to go public has come at a cost — mostly in the form of friendships with former colleagues. "They're not people I got out and have a beer with these days, that's for sure. But I'm not saying I've lost them as friends forever," says Potter. On the other hand, he adds, "I've got a lot of new friends."

***********
IN ACCORDANCE WITH TITLE 17 U.S.C. SECTION 107, THIS MATERIAL IS DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PROFIT TO THOSE WHO HAVE EXPRESSED A PRIOR INTEREST IN RECEIVING THE INCLUDED INFORMATION FOR RESEARCH AND EDUCATIONAL PURPOSES.
September 8, 2009 - Tuesday 

Category: News and Politics

Comment from Dr. Don McCanne of PNHP.org - This may be the most important week in this window of opportunity for health care reform. Matt Taibbi's well researched article tells us where we are and how we got here. It's a must read for those who... care. Hopefully it will motivate us to put down our Hallmark cards and join in the fight for real health care justice for all.


Sick and Wrong

How Washington is screwing up health care reform – and why it may take a revolt to fix it

MATT TAIBBI

Posted Sep 03, 2009 11:33 AM


L
et's start with the obvious: America has not only the worst but the dumbest health care system in the developed world. It's become a black leprosy eating away at the American experiment — a bureaucracy so insipid and mean and illogical that even our darkest criminal minds wouldn't be equal to dreaming it up on purpose.

The system doesn't work for anyone. It cheats patients and leaves them to die, denies insurance to 47 million Americans, forces hospitals to spend billions haggling over claims, and systematically bleeds and harasses doctors with the specter of catastrophic litigation. Even as a mechanism for delivering bonuses to insurance-company fat cats, it's a miserable failure: Greedy insurance bosses who spent a generation denying preventive care to patients now see their profits sapped by millions of customers who enter the system only when they're sick with incurably expensive illnesses.

The cost of all of this to society, in illness and death and lost productivity and a soaring federal deficit and plain old anxiety and anger, is incalculable — and that's the good news. The bad news is our failed health care system won't get fixed, because it exists entirely within the confines of yet another failed system: the political entity known as the United States of America.

Just as we have a medical system that is not really designed to care for the sick, we have a government that is not equipped to fix actual crises. What our government is good at is something else entirely: effecting the appearance of action, while leaving the actual reform behind in a diabolical labyrinth of ingenious legislative maneuvers.

Over the course of this summer, those two failed systems have collided in a spectacular crossroads moment in American history. We have an urgent national emergency on the one hand, and on the other, a comfortable majority of ostensibly simpatico Democrats who were elected by an angry population, in large part, specifically to reform health care. When they all sat down in Washington to tackle the problem, it amounted to a referendum on whether or not we actually have a functioning government.

It's a situation that one would have thought would be sobering enough to snap Congress into real action for once. Instead, they did the exact opposite, doubling down on the same-old, same-old and laboring day and night in the halls of the Capitol to deliver us a tour de force of old thinking and legislative trickery, as if that's what we really wanted.

Almost every single one of the main players — from House Speaker Nancy Pelosi to Blue Dog turncoat Max Baucus — found some unforeseeable, unique-to-them way to fuck this thing up. Even Ted Kennedy, for whom successful health care reform was to be the great vindicating achievement of his career, and Barack Obama, whose entire presidency will likely be judged by this bill, managed to come up small when the lights came on.

We might look back on this summer someday and think of it as the moment when our government lost us for good. It was that bad. 

H
ere's where we are right now: Before Congress recessed in August, four of the five committees working to reform health care had produced draft bills. On the House side, bills were developed by the commerce, ways and means, and labor committees. On the Senate side, a bill was completed by the HELP committee (Health, Education, Labor and Pensions, chaired by Ted Kennedy). The only committee that didn't finish a bill is the one that's likely to matter most: the Senate Finance Committee, chaired by the infamous obfuscating dick Max Baucus, a right-leaning Democrat from Montana who has received $2,880,631 in campaign contributions from the health care industry.

The game in health care reform has mostly come down to whether or not the final bill that is hammered out from the work of these five committees will contain a public option — i.e., an option for citizens to buy in to a government-run health care plan. Because the plan wouldn't have any profit motive — and wouldn't have to waste money on executive bonuses and corporate marketing — it would automatically cost less than private insurance. Once such a public plan is on the market, it would also drive down prices offered by for-profit insurers — a move essential to offset the added cost of covering millions of uninsured Americans. Without a public option, any effort at health care reform will be as meaningful as a manicure for a gunshot victim. "The public option is the main thing on the table," says Michael Behan, an aide to Sen. Bernie Sanders of Vermont. "It's really coming down to that."

The House versions all contain a public option, as does the HELP committee's version in the Senate. So whether or not there will be a public option in the end will likely come down to Baucus, one of the biggest whores for insurance-company money in the history of the United States. The early indications are that there is no public option in the Baucus version; the chairman hinted he favors the creation of nonprofit insurance cooperatives, a lame-ass alternative that even a total hack like Sen. Chuck Schumer has called a "fig leaf."

Even worse, Baucus has set things up so that the final Senate bill will be drawn up by six senators from his committee: a gang of three Republicans (Chuck Grassley of Iowa, Olympia Snowe of Maine, Mike Enzi of Wyoming) and three Democrats (Baucus, Kent Conrad of North Dakota, Jeff Bingaman of New Mexico) known by the weirdly Maoist sobriquet "Group of Six." The setup senselessly submarines the committee's Democratic majority, effectively preventing members who advocate a public option, like Jay Rockefeller of West Virginia and Robert Menendez of New Jersey, from seriously influencing the bill. Getting movement on a public option — or any other meaningful reform — will now require the support of one of the three Republicans in the group: Grassley (who has received $2,034,000 from the health sector), Snowe ($756,000) or Enzi ($627,000).

This is what the prospects for real health care reform come down to — whether one of three Republicans from tiny states with no major urban populations decides, out of the goodness of his or her cash-fattened heart, to forsake forever any contributions from the health-insurance industry (and, probably, aid for their re-election efforts from the Republican National Committee).

This, of course, is the hugest of long shots. But just to hedge its bets even further and ensure that no real reforms pass, Congress has made sure to cover itself, sabotaging the bill long before it even got to Baucus' committee. To do this, they used a five-step system of subtle feints and legislative tricks to gut the measure until there was nothing left.


STEP ONE: AIM LOW

H
eading into the health care debate, there was only ever one genuinely dangerous idea out there, and that was a single-payer system. Used by every single developed country outside the United States (with the partial exceptions of Holland and Switzerland, which offer limited and highly regulated private-insurance options), single-payer allows doctors and hospitals to bill and be reimbursed by a single government entity. In America, the system would eliminate private insurance, while allowing doctors to continue operating privately.

In the real world, nothing except a single-payer system makes any sense. There are currently more than 1,300 private insurers in this country, forcing doctors to fill out different forms and follow different reimbursement procedures for each and every one. This drowns medical facilities in idiotic paperwork and jacks up prices: Nearly a third of all health care costs in America are associated with wasteful administration. Fully $350 billion a year could be saved on paperwork alone if the U.S. went to a single-payer system — more than enough to pay for the whole goddamned thing, if anyone had the balls to stand up and say so.

Everyone knows this, including the president. Last spring, when he met with Rep. Lynn Woolsey, the co-chair of the Congressional Progressive Caucus, Obama openly said so. "He said if he were starting from scratch, he would have a single-payer system," says Woolsey. "But he thought it wasn't possible, because it would disrupt the health care industry."

Huh? This isn't a small point: The president and the Democrats decided not to press for the only plan that makes sense for everyone, in order to preserve an industry that is not only cruel and stupid and dysfunctional, but through its rank inefficiency has necessitated the very reforms now being debated. Even though the Democrats enjoy a political monopoly and could have started from a very strong bargaining position, they chose instead to concede at least half the battle before it even began.

Obama wasn't the only big Democrat to mysteriously abandon his position on single-payer. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Rep. Henry Waxman, the influential chair of the House commerce committee, have both backed away from their longtime support of single-payer. Hell, even Max-freaking-Baucus once conceded the logic of single-payer, saying only that it isn't feasible politically. "There may come a time when we can push for single-payer," he said in February. "At this time, it's not going to get to first base in Congress."

And helping it not get to first base was … Max Baucus. It was Baucus' own committee that held the first round-table discussions on reform. In three days of hearings last May, he invited no fewer than 41 people to speak. The list featured all the usual industry hacks, including big insurers like America's Health Insurance Plans (AHIP), Blue Cross and Aetna. It's worth noting that several of the organizations invited — including AHIP and Amgen — employ several former Baucus staffers as lobbyists, including two of his ex-chiefs of staff.

Not one of the 41 witnesses, however, was in favor of single-payer — even though eliminating the insurance companies enjoys broad public support. Leading advocates of single-payer, including doctors from the Physicians for a National Health Program, implored Baucus to allow them to testify. When he refused, a group of eight single-payer activists, including three doctors, stood up during the hearings and asked to be included in the discussion. One of the all-time classic moments in the health care reform movement came when the second protester to stand up, Katie Robbins of Health Care Now, declared, "We need single-payer health care!"

To which Baucus, who looked genuinely frightened, replied, "We need more police!"

The eight protesters were led away in handcuffs and spent about seven hours in jail. "It's funny, the policemen were all telling us their horror stories about health care," recalls Dr. Margaret Flowers, one of the physicians who was jailed. "One was telling us about his mother who was 62 and lost her job and was uninsured, waiting to get Medicare when she was 65." The protesters were sentenced to six months' probation. Baucus later met with them and conceded that not including single-payer advocates in the discussion had been a mistake, although it was "too late" to change that.

Single-payer advocates have had an equally tough time getting a hearing with the president. In March, the White House refused to allow Rep. John Conyers to invite two physicians who support single-payer to the health care summit that Obama was holding to kick off the reform effort. Three months later, a single-payer advocate named David Scheiner, who served as Obama's physician for 22 years, was mysteriously bumped from a prime-time forum on health care, where he had been invited to ask the president a question.

Many of the health care advisers in Obama's inner circle, meanwhile, are industry hacks — people like Nancy-Ann DeParle, the president's health care czar, who has served on the boards of for-profit companies like Medco Health Solutions and Triad Hospitals. DeParle is so unthreatening to the status quo that Karen Ignagni, the insurance industry's leading lobbyist-gorgon, praised her "extensive experience" and "strong track record."

Behind closed doors, Obama also moved to cut a deal with the drug industry. "It's a dirty deal," says Russell Mokhiber, one of the protesters whom Baucus had arrested. "The administration told them, 'Single-payer is off the table. In exchange, we want you on board.'" In August, the Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America announced that the industry would contribute an estimated $150 million to campaign for Obamacare.

Even the Congressional Progressive Caucus, whose 80-plus members have overwhelmingly supported single-payer legislation in the past, decided not to draw a line in the sand. They agreed to back down on single-payer, seemingly with the understanding that Pelosi would push for a strong public option — a sort of miniversion of single-payer, a modest, government-run insurance plan that would serve as a test model for the real thing. But one of the immutable laws of politics in the U.S. Congress is that progressives will always be screwed by their own leaders, as soon as the opportunity presents itself. And with a bill the size and scope of health care, there was plenty of opportunity.


STEP TWO: GUT THE PUBLIC OPTION

O
nce single-payer was off the table, the Democrats lost their best bargaining chip. Rather than being in a position to use the fear of radical legislation to extract concessions from the right — a position Obama seemingly gave away at the outset, by punting on single-payer — Republicans and conservative Blue Dog Democrats suddenly realized that they had the upper hand. Pelosi and Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid would now give away just about anything to avoid having to walk away without a real health care bill.

The situation was made worse as the flagging economy ate away at Obama's political capital. Polls showed the percentage of "highly engaged" Democrats plummeting, while the percentage of "highly engaged" Republicans — inspired by idiotic scare stories from Rush Limbaugh and Sarah Palin about socialized medicine and euthanasia — rose rapidly. By late summer, "the depth of Republican support was starting to rival the breadth of Democratic support," said noted statistician Nate Silver. The more the Republicans and Blue Dogs fidgeted and fucked around, the easier it would be for them to kill the public option.

Democrats, who on the morning after Election Day could have passed a single-payer system without opposition, were now in a desperate hurry to make a deal.

The public option is hardly a cure-all: Among other things, it does nothing to reduce the $350 billion a year in unnecessary paperwork and administrative overhead that makes the current system so expensive and maddening. "That's one of the big issues," says an aide to a member of the progressive caucus. "None of this addresses the paperwork issue. It might even make it worse." But the basic idea of the public option is sound enough: create a government health plan that citizens could buy through regulated marketplaces called insurance "exchanges" run at the state level. Simply by removing the profit motive, the government plan would be cheaper than private insurance. "The goal here was to offer the rock-bottom price, the Walmart price, so that people could buy insurance practically at cost," says one Senate aide.

The logic behind the idea was so unassailable that its opponents often inadvertently found themselves arguing for it. "Assurances that the government plan would play by the rules that private insurers play by are implausible," groused right-wing douchebag George Will. "Competition from the public option must be unfair, because government does not need to make a profit and has enormous pricing and negotiating powers." In other words, if you offer a public plan that doesn't systematically fuck every single person in the country by selling health care at inflated prices and raking in monster profits, private insurers just won't be able to compete.

Will wasn't the only prominent opponent of reform openly arguing in favor of the insurance industry's right to continue doing business inefficiently. Sen. Ben Nelson, who together with Baucus are the Laverne and Shirley of turncoat Democrats, complained that the public option "would win the game." Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell admitted that "private insurance will not be able to compete with a government option." This is a little like complaining that Keanu Reeves was robbed of an Oscar just because he can't act.

For a while, the public option looked like it might have a real chance at passing. In the House, both the ways and means committee and the labor committee passed draft bills that contained a genuine public option. But then conservative opponents of the plan, the so-called Blue Dog Democrats, mounted their counterattack. A powerful bloc composed primarily of drawling Southerners in ill-fitting suits, the Blue Dogs — a gang of puffed-up political mulattos hired by the DNC to pass as almost-Republicans in red-state battlegrounds — present themselves as a quasi-religious order, worshipping at the sacred altar of "fiscal responsibility" and "deficit reduction." On July 9th, in a harmless-sounding letter to Pelosi, 40 Blue Dogs expressed concern that doctors in the public option "must be fairly reimbursed at negotiated rates, and their participation must be voluntary." Paying doctors "using Medicare's below-market rates," they added, "would seriously weaken the financial stability of our local hospitals."

The letter was an amazing end run around the political problem posed by the public option — i.e., its unassailable status as a more efficient and cheaper health care alternative. The Blue Dogs were demanding that the very thing that makes the public option work — curbing costs to taxpayers by reimbursing doctors at Medicare rates plus five percent — be scrapped. Instead, the Blue Dogs wanted compensation rates for doctors to be jacked up, on the government's tab. The very Democrats who make a point of boasting about their unwavering commitment to fiscal conservatism were lobbying, in essence, for a big fat piece of government pork for doctors. "Cost should be the number-one concern to the Blue Dogs," grouses Rep. Woolsey. "That's why they're Blue Dogs."

In the end, the Blue Dogs won. When the House commerce committee passed its bill, the public option no longer paid Medicare-plus-five-percent. Instead, it required the government to negotiate rates with providers, ensuring that costs would be dramatically higher. According to one Democratic aide, the concession would bump the price of the public option by $1,800 a year for the average family of four.

In one fell swoop, the public plan went from being significantly cheaper than private insurance to costing, well, "about the same as what we have now," as one Senate aide puts it. This was the worst of both worlds, the kind of take-the-fork-in-the-road nonsolution that has been the peculiar specialty of Democrats ever since Bill Clinton invented a new way to smoke weed. The party could now sell voters on the idea that it was offering a "public option" without technically lying, while at the same time reassuring health care providers that the public option it was passing would not imperil the industry's market share.

Even more revolting, when Pelosi was asked on July 31st if she worried that progressives in the House would yank their support of the bill because of the sellout to conservatives, she literally laughed out loud. "Are the progressives going to take down universal, quality, affordable health care for all Americans?" she said, chuckling heartily to reporters. "I don't think so."

The laugh said everything about what the mainstream Democratic Party is all about. It finds the notion that it has to pay anything more than lip service to its professed values funny. "It's a joke," complains one Democratic aide. "This is all a game to these people — and they're good at it."

The concession to the Blue Dogs comes at a potentially disastrous price: Without a public option that drives down prices, the cost of other health care reforms being considered by Congress will almost certainly skyrocket. The trade-off with conservatives might be understandable, if those other reforms were actually useful. But this is Congress we're talking about.


STEP THREE: PACK IT WITH LOOPHOLES

E
ven seasoned congressional aides, who are accustomed to sitting through long and boring committee meetings, have found the debate over health care reform uniquely torturous. Unlike other congressional matters, where there is at least a feeling that the process might at some point be completed, the endless sessions over health care have led many staffers to fear that they will be locked in hearing rooms for the rest of their lives, listening to words like "target" and "mandate" and "doughnut hole" being repeated ad nauseam by weary, gray-faced, saggy-necked legislators — who begin, after weeks of self-inflated posturing, to look like the ugliest people in the universe. "You come out of these hearings," says Behan, the aide to Sen. Sanders, "and the number of interconnected, moving pieces going in and out of these bills is insane — the case for single-payer health insurance makes itself."

For those looking to fuck up health care reform — or to load it up with goodies for their rich pals — the tedium actually serves a broader purpose. Given that five different committees are weighing five different and often competing paths to reform, it's not surprising that all sorts of bizarre crap winds up buried in their bills, stuff no one could possibly have expected to be in there. The most glaring example, passed by Ted Kennedy's HELP committee, would allow the makers of complex drugs known as "biologics" to keep their formulas from being copied by rivals for 12 years — twice as long as the protection for ordinary pharmaceuticals. The notion that an effort ostensibly aimed at curbing health care costs would grant the pharmaceutical industry lucrative new protections against generic drugs is even weirder when you consider that earlier proposals, including one supported by Obama, would have protected brand-name drugs for only seven years.

Another favor to industry buried in the bills involves the issue of choice. From the outset, Democrats have been careful to make sure that a revamped system would not in any way force citizens to give up their existing health care plans. As Obama told the American Medical Association in June, "If you like your doctor, you will be able to keep your doctor, period. If you like your health care plan, you'll be able to keep your health care plan, period. No one will take it away, no matter what."

That sounds great, particularly in conjunction with the new set of standards for employer-provided insurance outlined in the House version of reform. Under the bill — known as HR 3200 — employers must provide "essential benefits" to workers or face a stiff penalty. "Essential benefits" includes elements often missing in the fly-by-night plans offered by big employers: drug benefits, outpatient care, hospitalization, mental health, the works. If your employer does not offer acceptable coverage, you then have the right to go into one of the state-run insurance "exchanges," where you can select from a number of insurance plans, including the public option.

There's a flip side, though: If your employer offers you acceptable care and you reject it, you are barred from buying insurance in the insurance "exchange." In other words, you must take the insurance offered to you at work.

And that might have made sense if, as decreed in the House version, employers actually had to offer good care. But in the Senate version passed by the HELP committee, there is no real requirement for employers to provide any kind of minimal level of care. On the contrary, employers who currently offer sub-par coverage will have their shitty plans protected by a grandfather clause. Which means …
"If you have coverage you like, you can keep it," says Sen. Sanders. "But if you have coverage you don't like, you gotta keep it."

This grandfather clause has potentially wide-ranging consequences. One of the biggest health care problems we have in this country is the technique used by large employers — Walmart is the most notorious example — of offering dogshit, bare-bones health insurance that forces employees to take on steep co-pays and other massive charges. Low-wage workers currently offered these plans often reject them and join Medicaid, effectively shifting the health care burden for Walmart employees on to the taxpayer. If the HELP committee's grandfather clause survives to the final bill, those workers who did the sensible thing in rejecting Walmart's crap employer plan and taking the comparatively awesome insurance offered via Medicaid will now be rebuffed by the state and forced to take the dogshit Walmart offering.

This works out well for the states, who will get to purge all those Walmart workers from their Medicaid rolls. It also works great for Walmart, since any new competitors who appear on the horizon will be forced to offer genuine and more expensive health insurance — giving Walmart a clear competitive advantage. This little "glitch" is the essence of the health care reform effort: It changes things in a way that works for everyone except actual sick people.

Veteran legislators speak of this horrific loophole as if it were an accident — something that just sort of happened, while no one was looking. Sen. Ron Wyden of Oregon was looking at an early version of the bill several months ago, when he suddenly realized that it was going to leave people stuck with their employer insurance. "I woke up one morning and was like, 'Whoa, people aren't going to have choices,'" he recalls.

As a means of correcting the problem, Wyden wrote up a thing called the Free Choice Act, which like many of the prematurely sidelined ideas in this health care mess is actually quite sensible. The bill would open up the insurance "exchanges" to all consumers, regardless of who is offered employer-based insurance and who isn't. But Wyden has little hope of having his proposal included in later versions of the bill. Like Sanders, who hopes to correct the committee's giveaway to drugmakers, Wyden won't get a real shot at having an impact until the House and Senate meet to hammer out differences between their final bills. In a legislative sense, the bad ideas are already in the barn, and the solutions are fenced off in the fields, hoping to get in.

STEP FOUR: PROVIDE NO LEADERSHIP

O
ne of the reasons for this chaos was the bizarre decision by the administration to provide absolutely no real oversight of the reform effort. From the start, Obama acted like a man still running for president, not someone already sitting in the White House, armed with 60 seats in the Senate. He spoke in generalities, offering as "guiding principles" the kind of I'm-for-puppies-and-sunshine platitudes we got used to on the campaign trail — investment in prevention and wellness, affordable health care for all, guaranteed choice of doctor. At no time has he come out and said what he wants Congress to do, in concrete terms. Even in June, when congressional leaders desperate for guidance met with chief of staff (and former legislative change-squelcher) Rahm Emanuel, they got no signal at all about what the White House wanted. On the question of a public option, Emanuel was agonizingly noncommittal, reportedly telling Senate Democrats that the president was still "open to alternatives."

On the same day Emanuel was passing the buck to senators, Obama was telling reporters that it's "still too early" to have a "strong opinion" on a public option. This was startling news indeed: Eight months after being elected president of the United States is too early to have an opinion on an issue that Obama himself made a central plank of his campaign? The president conceded only that a "public option makes sense."


This White House makes a serial vacillator like Bill Clinton look like Patton crossing the Rhine. Veterans from the Clinton White House, in fact, jumped on Obama. "The president may have overlearned the lesson of the Clinton health care plan fiasco, which was: Don't deliver a package to the Hill, let the Hill take ownership," said Robert Reich, who served as labor secretary under Clinton. There were now so many competing ideas about how to pay for the plan and what kind of mandates to include that even after the five bills are completed, Congress will not be much closer to reform than it was at the beginning. "The president has got to go in there and give it coherence," Reich concluded.

But Reich's comment assumes that Obama wants to give the bill coherence. In many ways, the lily-livered method that Obama chose to push health care into being is a crystal-clear example of how the Democratic Party likes to act — showering a real problem with a blizzard of ineffectual decisions and verbose nonsense, then stepping aside at the last minute to reveal the true plan that all along was being forged off-camera in the furnace of moneyed interests and insider inertia. While the White House publicly eschewed any concrete "guiding principles," the People Who Mattered, it appeared, had already long ago settled on theirs. Those principles seem to have been: no single-payer system, no meaningful public option, no meaningful employer mandates and a very meaningful mandate for individual consumers. In other words, the only major reform with teeth would be the one forcing everyone to buy some form of private insurance, no matter how crappy, or suffer a tax penalty. If the public option is the sine qua non for progressives, then the "individual mandate" is the counterpart must-have requirement for the insurance industry.

"That was their major policy 'ask,' and it looks like they're going to get it," says Dr. Steffie Woolhandler, a Boston physician who is a prominent single-payer advocate.
The so-called "individual mandate" is currently included in four of the five bills before Congress. The most likely version to survive into the final measure resembles the system in Massachusetts designed by Mormon glambot Mitt Romney, who imposed tax penalties on citizens who did not buy insurance. Several of Romney's former advisers are involved in the writing of Obamacare, including a key aide to Ted Kennedy who was instrumental in designing the HELP committee legislation. The federal version of the Massachusetts plan would slap the uninsured with a hefty tax penalty — making the HELP committee clause barring people from opting out of their employer-provided plan that much more outrageous.

If things go the way it looks like they will, health care reform will simply force great numbers of new people to buy or keep insurance of a type that has already been proved not to work. "The IRS and the government will force people to buy a defective product," says Woolhandler. "We know it's defective because three-quarters of all people who file for bankruptcy because of medical reasons have insurance when they get sick — and they're bankrupted anyway."

STEP FIVE: BLOW THE MATH

H
ealth care is a beast — a monster. The House 3200 bill alone is 1,017 pages long and contains countless inscrutable references to other pieces of legislation, meaning that in order to fully comprehend even those thousand pages one really has to read upward of 9,000 or 10,000 pages. There are five different versions of this creature, each with its own nuances and shades, and solving a highly complex mathematical challenge like reconciling the costs of each of the five plans would be beyond even minds who were (a) expert at such things and (b) motivated to get it right. Imagine the same problem in the hands of a bunch of second-rate country lawyers and mall owners, and you about get the idea of what the congressional picture looks like.

For instance: All five of the bills envision a significant expansion of Medicaid. As it stands, the LBJ-era program, which celebrated its 44th birthday on the day before Nancy Pelosi laughed at the progressives, awards benefits according to a jumbled series of state-by-state criteria. Some states, like Vermont, offer Medicaid to citizens whose income is as high as 300 percent of the federal poverty level, while others, like Georgia, only offer Medicaid to those closer to or below the poverty level.

The House plan would expand Medicaid eligibility to automatically include every American whose income is 133 percent of the poverty level or less. For those earning somewhat more — up to 400 percent of the poverty level — federal subsidies would help pay for the cost of a public or private plan purchased via the insurance "exchanges." That worries state governments, which currently pay for almost half of Medicaid — and which are already seeing their Medicaid rolls swelled by the economic meltdown. A massive surge in new Medicaid members — as many as 11 million Americans under the current proposals, according to the Congressional Budget Office — might literally render many big states insolvent overnight.

Democrats pointed out that under the House plan, the federal government would pay the costs of any "newly eligible" members of Medicaid. But that phrasing, it turns out, was a semantic trick designed to undersell the cost to the states. When Massachusetts imposed a similar mandate under Romney, thousands of people who were already eligible for Medicaid, but had not enrolled, immediately joined the program in order to avoid the tax penalty for being uninsured. So while the House plan would pay for "newly eligible" patients, it won't cover the "oldly eligible."

Congress in this instance is behaving like corporations in the Enron age, orphaning hidden costs and complications through clever wording and accounting. Another neat trick involves the federal subsidies for low-income people who make up to 400 percent of the poverty level. The Congressional Budget Office projects that under the House bill, the subsidies will cost upward of $773 billion by 2019. But some aides think that number could end up being much higher. "Without a real public option to drive down costs, the federal support to make sure everyone gets coverage is going to get very expensive very fast," says Behan, the aide to Sen. Sanders.

Here's the other thing. By blowing off single-payer and cutting the heart out of the public option, the Obama administration robbed itself of its biggest argument — that health care reform is going to save a lot of money. That has left the Democrats vulnerable to charges that the plan is going to blow a mile-wide hole in the budget, one we'll be paying debt service on through the year 3000. It also left them scrambling to find other ways to pay for the plan, making it almost inevitable that they would step in political shit with seniors everywhere by trying surreptitiously to whittle down Medicare. As a result, the Democrats have become so oversensitive to charges of fiscal irresponsibility that they're taking their frustrations out on people who don't deserve it. Witness Nancy Pelosi's bizarre freakout over the Congressional Budget Office. When the CBO questioned Obama's projected cost savings, Pelosi blasted them for "always giving you the worst-case scenario" — which, of course, is exactly what the budget office is supposed to do. When you start asking your accountant to look on the bright side, you know you're not dealing from a position of strength.

To recap, here's what ended up happening with health care. First, they gave away single-payer before a single gavel had fallen, apparently as a bargaining chip to the very insurers mostly responsible for creating the crisis in the first place. Then they watered down the public option so as to make it almost meaningless, while simultaneously beefing up the individual mandate, which would force millions of people now uninsured to buy a product that is no longer certain to be either cheaper or more likely to prevent them from going bankrupt. The bill won't make drugs cheaper, and it might make paperwork for doctors even more unwieldy and complex than it is now. In fact, the various reform measures suck so badly that PhRMA, the notorious mouthpiece for the pharmaceutical industry which last year spent more than $20 million lobbying against health care reform, is now gratefully spending more than seven times that much on a marketing campaign to help the president get what he wants.

So what's left? Well, the bills do keep alive the so-called employer mandate, requiring companies to provide insurance to their employees. A good idea — except that the Blue Dogs managed to exempt employers with annual payrolls below $500,000, meaning that 87 percent of all businesses will be allowed to opt out of the best and toughest reform measure left. Thanks to Harry Reid, Nancy Pelosi and Barack Obama, we can now be assured that the 19 or 20 employers in America with payrolls above $500,000 who do not already provide insurance will be required to offer good solid health coverage. Hurray!

Or will they? At the end of July, word leaked out that the Senate Finance Committee, in addition to likely spiking the public option, had also decided to ditch the employer mandate. It was hard to be certain, because even Democrats on the committee don't know what's going on in the Group of Six selected by Baucus to craft the bill. Things got so bad that some Democrats on the committee — including John Kerry, Chuck Schumer and Robert Menendez — were reduced to holding what amounts to shadow hearings on health care several times a week, while Baucus and his crew conducted their meetings in relative secrecy. The chairman did not even bother to keep his fellow Democrats informed of the bill's developments, let alone what he has promised Republicans in return for their support of the bill. "The Group of Six has hijacked the process," says an aide to one of the left-out senators.

This leaves Democrats on the committee in the strange position of seriously considering pulling their support for a bill that will emerge from a panel on which they hold a clear majority. Other Democrats are also weighing an end run around their own leadership, hoping to sneak meaningful reforms back into the process. In the House, Rep. Anthony Weiner of New York refused to support the bill passed by the commerce committee unless he was allowed to attach an amendment that will enable Congress to vote on replacing the entire reform bill with a single-payer plan (Bernie Sanders is working on a similar measure in the Senate). On the labor committee, Rep. Dennis Kucinich of Ohio took a more nuanced tack, offering an amendment that would free up states to switch to a single-payer system of their own.

It's highly unlikely, though, that the party's leaders will agree to include such measures when the five competing reform bills are eventually combined. On the House side, "Pelosi has unfettered discretion to combine the bills as she pleases," observes one Democratic aide. Which leaves us where we are today, as Congress enjoys its vacation, and the various sides have taken to the airwaves in an advertising blitz to make sure the population is saturated with idiotic misconceptions before the bill is actually voted on in the fall.

The much-ballyhooed right-wing scare campaign, with its teabagger holdovers ridiculously disrupting town-hall meetings with their belligerent protests and their stoneheaded memes (the sign raised at a town hall held by Rep. Rick Larson of Washington — keep the guvmint out of my medicare — is destined to become a classic of conservative propaganda), has proved to be almost totally irrelevant to the entire enterprise. Aside from lowering even further the general level of civility (teabaggers urged Sen. Chris Dodd to off himself with painkillers; Rep. Brad Miller had his life threatened), the Limbaugh minions have accomplished nothing at all, except to look like morons for protesting as creeping socialism a reform effort designed specifically to change as little as possible and to preserve at all costs our malfunctioning system of private health care.

All that's left of health care reform is a collection of piece-of-shit, weakling proposals that are preposterously expensive and contain almost nothing meaningful — and that set of proposals, meanwhile, is being negotiated down even further by the endlessly negating Group of Six. It is a fight to the finish now between Really Bad and Even Worse. And it's virtually guaranteed to sour the public on reform efforts for years to come.

"They'll pass some weak, mediocre plan that breaks the bank and even in the best analysis leaves 37 million people uninsured," says Mokhiber, one of the single-payer activists arrested by Baucus. "It's going to give universal health care a bad name."

It's a joke, the whole thing, a parody of Solomonic governance. By the time all the various bills are combined, health care will be a baby not split in half but in fourths and eighths and fractions of eighths. It's what happens when a government accustomed to dealing on the level of perception tries to take on a profound emergency that exists in reality. No matter how hard Congress may try, though, it simply is not possible to paper over a crisis this vast.

Then again, some of the blame has to go to all of us. It's more than a little conspicuous that the same electorate that poured its heart out last year for the Hallmark-card story line of the Obama campaign has not been seen much in this health care debate. The handful of legislators — the Weiners, Kuciniches, Wydens and Sanderses — who are fighting for something real should be doing so with armies at their back. Instead, all the noise is being made on the other side. Not so stupid after all — they, at least, understand that politics is a fight that does not end with the wearing of a T-shirt in November.
[From Issue 1086 — September 3, 2009]
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