Thank you very much. Good afternoon. I am honored to be in the
timeless city of Cairo, and to be hosted by two remarkable
institutions. For over a thousand years, Al-Azhar has stood as a beacon
of Islamic learning; and for over a century, Cairo University has been
a source of Egypt's advancement. And together, you represent the
harmony between tradition and progress. I'm grateful for your
hospitality, and the hospitality of the people of Egypt. And I'm also
proud to carry with me the goodwill of the American people, and a
greeting of peace from Muslim communities in my country: Assalaamu
alaykum. (Applause.)
We meet at a time of great tension between
the United States and Muslims around the world — tension rooted in
historical forces that go beyond any current policy debate. The
relationship between Islam and the West includes centuries of
coexistence and cooperation, but also conflict and religious wars. More
recently, tension has been fed by colonialism that denied rights and
opportunities to many Muslims, and a Cold War in which Muslim-majority
countries were too often treated as proxies without regard to their own
aspirations. Moreover, the sweeping change brought by modernity and
globalization led many Muslims to view the West as hostile to the
traditions of Islam.
Violent extremists have exploited these
tensions in a small but potent minority of Muslims. The attacks of
Sept. 11, 2001, and the continued efforts of these extremists to engage
in violence against civilians has led some in my country to view Islam
as inevitably hostile not only to America and Western countries, but
also to human rights. All this has bred more fear and more mistrust.
So
long as our relationship is defined by our differences, we will empower
those who sow hatred rather than peace, those who promote conflict
rather than the cooperation that can help all of our people achieve
justice and prosperity. And this cycle of suspicion and discord must
end.
I've come here to Cairo to seek a new beginning between
the United States and Muslims around the world, one based on mutual
interest and mutual respect, and one based upon the truth that America
and Islam are not exclusive and need not be in competition. Instead,
they overlap, and share common principles — principles of justice and
progress; tolerance and the dignity of all human beings.
I do
so recognizing that change cannot happen overnight. I know there's been
a lot of publicity about this speech, but no single speech can
eradicate years of mistrust, nor can I answer in the time that I have
this afternoon all the complex questions that brought us to this point.
But I am convinced that in order to move forward, we must say openly to
each other the things we hold in our hearts and that too often are said
only behind closed doors. There must be a sustained effort to listen to
each other; to learn from each other; to respect one another; and to
seek common ground. As the Holy Quran tells us, "Be conscious of God
and speak always the truth." (Applause.) That is what I will try to do
today — to speak the truth as best I can, humbled by the task before
us, and firm in my belief that the interests we share as human beings
are far more powerful than the forces that drive us apart.
Now
part of this conviction is rooted in my own experience. I'm a
Christian, but my father came from a Kenyan family that includes
generations of Muslims. As a boy, I spent several years in Indonesia
and heard the call of the azaan at the break of dawn and at the fall of
dusk. As a young man, I worked in Chicago communities where many found
dignity and peace in their Muslim faith.
As a student of
history, I also know civilization's debt to Islam. It was Islam — at
places like Al-Azhar — that carried the light of learning through so
many centuries, paving the way for Europe's Renaissance and
Enlightenment. It was innovation in Muslim communities — (applause) —
it was innovation in Muslim communities that developed the order of
algebra; our magnetic compass and tools of navigation; our mastery of
pens and printing; our understanding of how disease spreads and how it
can be healed. Islamic culture has given us majestic arches and soaring
spires; timeless poetry and cherished music; elegant calligraphy and
places of peaceful contemplation. And throughout history, Islam has
demonstrated through words and deeds the possibilities of religious
tolerance and racial equality. (Applause.)
I also know that
Islam has always been a part of America's story. The first nation to
recognize my country was Morocco. In signing the Treaty of Tripoli in
1796, our second President, John Adams, wrote, "The United States has
in itself no character of enmity against the laws, religion or
tranquility of Muslims." And since our founding, American Muslims have
enriched the United States. They have fought in our wars, they have
served in our government, they have stood for civil rights, they have
started businesses, they have taught at our universities, they've
excelled in our sports arenas, they've won Nobel Prizes, built our
tallest building and lit the Olympic Torch. And when the first Muslim
American was recently elected to Congress, he took the oath to defend
our Constitution using the same Holy Quran that one of our Founding
Fathers — Thomas Jefferson — kept in his personal library. (Applause.)
So
I have known Islam on three continents before coming to the region
where it was first revealed. That experience guides my conviction that
partnership between America and Islam must be based on what Islam is,
not what it isn't. And I consider it part of my responsibility as
President of the United States to fight against negative stereotypes of
Islam wherever they appear. (Applause.)
But that same principle
must apply to Muslim perceptions of America. (Applause.) Just as
Muslims do not fit a crude stereotype, America is not the crude
stereotype of a self-interested empire. The United States has been one
of the greatest sources of progress that the world has ever known. We
were born out of revolution against an empire. We were founded upon the
ideal that all are created equal, and we have shed blood and struggled
for centuries to give meaning to those words — within our borders, and
around the world. We are shaped by every culture, drawn from every end
of the Earth, and dedicated to a simple concept: E pluribus unum — "Out
of many, one."
Now, much has been made of the fact that an
African American with the name Barack Hussein Obama could be elected
president. (Applause.) But my personal story is not so unique. The
dream of opportunity for all people has not come true for everyone in
America, but its promise exists for all who come to our shores — and
that includes nearly 7 million American Muslims in our country today
who, by the way, enjoy incomes and educational levels that are higher
than the American average. (Applause.)
Moreover, freedom in
America is indivisible from the freedom to practice one's religion.
That is why there is a mosque in every state in our union, and over
1,200 mosques within our borders. That's why the United States
government has gone to court to protect the right of women and girls to
wear the hijab and to punish those who would deny it. (Applause.)
So
let there be no doubt: Islam is a part of America. And I believe that
America holds within her the truth that regardless of race, religion or
station in life, all of us share common aspirations — to live in peace
and security; to get an education and to work with dignity; to love our
families, our communities and our God. These things we share. This is
the hope of all humanity.
Of course, recognizing our common
humanity is only the beginning of our task. Words alone cannot meet the
needs of our people. These needs will be met only if we act boldly in
the years ahead; and if we understand that the challenges we face are
shared, and our failure to meet them will hurt us all.
For we
have learned from recent experience that when a financial system
weakens in one country, prosperity is hurt everywhere. When a new flu
infects one human being, all are at risk. When one nation pursues a
nuclear weapon, the risk of nuclear attack rises for all nations. When
violent extremists operate in one stretch of mountains, people are
endangered across an ocean. When innocents in Bosnia and Darfur are
slaughtered, that is a stain on our collective conscience. (Applause.)
That is what it means to share this world in the 21st century. That is
the responsibility we have to one another as human beings.
And
this is a difficult responsibility to embrace. For human history has
often been a record of nations and tribes — and, yes, religions —
subjugating one another in pursuit of their own interests. Yet in this
new age, such attitudes are self-defeating. Given our interdependence,
any world order that elevates one nation or group of people over
another will inevitably fail. So whatever we think of the past, we must
not be prisoners to it. Our problems must be dealt with through
partnership; our progress must be shared. (Applause.)
Now, that
does not mean we should ignore sources of tension. Indeed, it suggests
the opposite: We must face these tensions squarely. And so in that
spirit, let me speak as clearly and as plainly as I can about some
specific issues that I believe we must finally confront together.
The first issue that we have to confront is violent extremism in all of its forms.
In
Ankara, I made clear that America is not — and never will be — at war
with Islam. (Applause.) We will, however, relentlessly confront violent
extremists who pose a grave threat to our security — because we reject
the same thing that people of all faiths reject: the killing of
innocent men, women and children. And it is my first duty as president
to protect the American people.
The situation in Afghanistan
demonstrates America's goals, and our need to work together. Over seven
years ago, the United States pursued al-Qaida and the Taliban with
broad international support. We did not go by choice; we went because
of necessity. I'm aware that there's still some who would question or
even justify the events of 9/11. But let us be clear: Al-Qaida killed
nearly 3,000 people on that day. The victims were innocent men, women
and children from America and many other nations who had done nothing
to harm anybody. And yet al-Qaida chose to ruthlessly murder these
people, claimed credit for the attack and even now states their
determination to kill on a massive scale. They have affiliates in many
countries and are trying to expand their reach. These are not opinions
to be debated; these are facts to be dealt with.
Now, make no
mistake: We do not want to keep our troops in Afghanistan. We see no
military — we seek no military bases there. It is agonizing for America
to lose our young men and women. It is costly and politically difficult
to continue this conflict. We would gladly bring every single one of
our troops home if we could be confident that there were not violent
extremists in Afghanistan, and now Pakistan, determined to kill as many
Americans as they possibly can. But that is not yet the case.
And
that's why we're partnering with a coalition of 46 countries. And
despite the costs involved, America's commitment will not weaken.
Indeed, none of us should tolerate these extremists. They have killed
in many countries. They have killed people of different faiths — but
more than any other, they have killed Muslims. Their actions are
irreconcilable with the rights of human beings, the progress of nations
and with Islam. The Holy Quran teaches that whoever kills an innocent
is as — it is as if he has killed all mankind. (Applause.) And the Holy
Quran also says whoever saves a person, it is as if he has saved all
mankind. (Applause.) The enduring faith of over a billion people is so
much bigger than the narrow hatred of a few. Islam is not part of the
problem in combating violent extremism — it is an important part of
promoting peace.
Now, we also know that military power alone is
not going to solve the problems in Afghanistan and Pakistan. That's why
we plan to invest $1.5 billion each year over the next five years to
partner with Pakistanis to build schools and hospitals, roads and
businesses, and hundreds of millions to help those who've been
displaced. That's why we are providing more than $2.8 billion to help
Afghans develop their economy and deliver services that people depend
on.
Let me also address the issue of Iraq. Unlike Afghanistan,
Iraq was a war of choice that provoked strong differences in my country
and around the world. Although I believe that the Iraqi people are
ultimately better off without the tyranny of Saddam Hussein, I also
believe that events in Iraq have reminded America of the need to use
diplomacy and build international consensus to resolve our problems
whenever possible. (Applause.) Indeed, we can recall the words of
Thomas Jefferson, who said: "I hope that our wisdom will grow with our
power, and teach us that the less we use our power, the greater it will
be."
Today, America has a dual responsibility: to help Iraq
forge a better future — and to leave Iraq to Iraqis. And I have made it
clear to the Iraqi people — (applause) — I have made it clear to the
Iraqi people that we pursue no bases, and no claim on their territory
or resources. Iraq's sovereignty is its own. And that's why I ordered
the removal of our combat brigades by next August. That is why we will
honor our agreement with Iraq's democratically elected government to
remove combat troops from Iraqi cities by July, and to remove all of
our troops from Iraq by 2012. (Applause.) We will help Iraq train its
security forces and develop its economy. But we will support a secure
and united Iraq as a partner, and never as a patron.
And
finally, just as America can never tolerate violence by extremists, we
must never alter or forget our principles. Nine-eleven was an enormous
trauma to our country. The fear and anger that it provoked was
understandable, but in some cases, it led us to act contrary to our
traditions and our ideals. We are taking concrete actions to change
course. I have unequivocally prohibited the use of torture by the
United States, and I have ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed
by early next year. (Applause.)
So America will defend itself,
respectful of the sovereignty of nations and the rule of law. And we
will do so in partnership with Muslim communities which are also
threatened. The sooner the extremists are isolated and unwelcome in
Muslim communities, the sooner we will all be safer.
The second major source of tension that we need to discuss is the situation between Israelis, Palestinians and the Arab world.
America's
strong bonds with Israel are well known. This bond is unbreakable. It
is based upon cultural and historical ties, and the recognition that
the aspiration for a Jewish homeland is rooted in a tragic history that
cannot be denied.
Around the world, the Jewish people were
persecuted for centuries, and anti-Semitism in Europe culminated in an
unprecedented Holocaust. Tomorrow, I will visit Buchenwald, which was
part of a network of camps where Jews were enslaved, tortured, shot and
gassed to death by the Third Reich. Six million Jews were killed — more
than the entire Jewish population of Israel today. Denying that fact is
baseless, it is ignorant, and it is hateful. Threatening Israel with
destruction — or repeating vile stereotypes about Jews — is deeply
wrong, and only serves to evoke in the minds of Israelis this most
painful of memories while preventing the peace that the people of this
region deserve.
On the other hand, it is also undeniable that
the Palestinian people — Muslims and Christians — have suffered in
pursuit of a homeland. For more than 60 years they've endured the pain
of dislocation. Many wait in refugee camps in the West Bank, Gaza and
neighboring lands for a life of peace and security that they have never
been able to lead. They endure the daily humiliations — large and small
— that come with occupation. So let there be no doubt: The situation
for the Palestinian people is intolerable. And America will not turn
our backs on the legitimate Palestinian aspiration for dignity,
opportunity and a state of their own. (Applause.)
For decades
then, there has been a stalemate: two peoples with legitimate
aspirations, each with a painful history that makes compromise elusive.
It's easy to point fingers — for Palestinians to point to the
displacement brought about by Israel's founding, and for Israelis to
point to the constant hostility and attacks throughout its history from
within its borders as well as beyond. But if we see this conflict only
from one side or the other, then we will be blind to the truth: The
only resolution is for the aspirations of both sides to be met through
two states, where Israelis and Palestinians each live in peace and
security. (Applause.)
That is in Israel's interest, Palestine's
interest, America's interest and the world's interest. And that is why
I intend to personally pursue this outcome with all the patience and
dedication that the task requires. (Applause.) The obligations — the
obligations that the parties have agreed to under the road map are
clear. For peace to come, it is time for them — and all of us — to live
up to our responsibilities.
Palestinians must abandon violence.
Resistance through violence and killing is wrong, and it does not
succeed. For centuries, black people in America suffered the lash of
the whip as slaves and the humiliation of segregation. But it was not
violence that won full and equal rights. It was a peaceful and
determined insistence upon the ideals at the center of America's
founding. This same story can be told by people from South Africa to
South Asia; from Eastern Europe to Indonesia. It's a story with a
simple truth: that violence is a dead end. It is a sign neither of
courage nor power to shoot rockets at sleeping children, or to blow up
old women on a bus. That's not how moral authority is claimed; that's
how it is surrendered.
Now is the time for Palestinians to
focus on what they can build. The Palestinian Authority must develop
its capacity to govern, with institutions that serve the needs of its
people. Hamas does have support among some Palestinians, but they also
have to recognize they have responsibilities. To play a role in
fulfilling Palestinian aspirations, to unify the Palestinian people,
Hamas must put an end to violence, recognize past agreements, recognize
Israel's right to exist.
At the same time, Israelis must
acknowledge that just as Israel's right to exist cannot be denied,
neither can Palestine's. The United States does not accept the
legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements. (Applause.) This
construction violates previous agreements and undermines efforts to
achieve peace. It is time for these settlements to stop. (Applause.)
And
Israel must also live up to its obligation to ensure that Palestinians
can live and work and develop their society. Just as it devastates
Palestinian families, the continuing humanitarian crisis in Gaza does
not serve Israel's security; neither does the continuing lack of
opportunity in the West Bank. Progress in the daily lives of the
Palestinian people must be a critical part of a road to peace, and
Israel must take concrete steps to enable such progress.
And
finally, the Arab states must recognize that the Arab Peace Initiative
was an important beginning, but not the end of their responsibilities.
The Arab-Israeli conflict should no longer be used to distract the
people of Arab nations from other problems. Instead, it must be a cause
for action to help the Palestinian people develop the institutions that
will sustain their state, to recognize Israel's legitimacy, and to
choose progress over a self-defeating focus on the past.
America
will align our policies with those who pursue peace, and we will say in
public what we say in private to Israelis and Palestinians and Arabs.
(Applause.) We cannot impose peace. But privately, many Muslims
recognize that Israel will not go away. Likewise, many Israelis
recognize the need for a Palestinian state. It is time for us to act on
what everyone knows to be true.
Too many tears have been shed.
Too much blood has been shed. All of us have a responsibility to work
for the day when the mothers of Israelis and Palestinians can see their
children grow up without fear; when the Holy Land of the three great
faiths is the place of peace that God intended it to be; when Jerusalem
is a secure and lasting home for Jews and Christians and Muslims, and a
place for all of the children of Abraham to mingle peacefully together
as in the story of Isra — (applause) — as in the story of Isra, when
Moses, Jesus and Mohammed, peace be upon them, joined in prayer.
(Applause.)
The third source of tension is our shared interest in the rights and responsibilities of nations on nuclear weapons.
This
issue has been a source of tension between the United States and the
Islamic Republic of Iran. For many years, Iran has defined itself in
part by its opposition to my country, and there is in fact a tumultuous
history between us. In the middle of the Cold War, the United States
played a role in the overthrow of a democratically elected Iranian
government. Since the Islamic Revolution, Iran has played a role in
acts of hostage-taking and violence against U.S. troops and civilians.
This history is well known. Rather than remain trapped in the past,
I've made it clear to Iran's leaders and people that my country is
prepared to move forward. The question now is not what Iran is against,
but rather what future it wants to build.
I recognize it will
be hard to overcome decades of mistrust, but we will proceed with
courage, rectitude and resolve. There will be many issues to discuss
between our two countries, and we are willing to move forward without
preconditions on the basis of mutual respect. But it is clear to all
concerned that when it comes to nuclear weapons, we have reached a
decisive point. This is not simply about America's interests. It's
about preventing a nuclear arms race in the Middle East that could lead
this region and the world down a hugely dangerous path.
I
understand those who protest that some countries have weapons that
others do not. No single nation should pick and choose which nation
holds nuclear weapons. And that's why I strongly reaffirmed America's
commitment to seek a world in which no nations hold nuclear weapons.
(Applause.) And any nation — including Iran — should have the right to
access peaceful nuclear power if it complies with its responsibilities
under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. That commitment is at the
core of the treaty, and it must be kept for all who fully abide by it.
And I'm hopeful that all countries in the region can share in this
goal.
The fourth issue that I will address is democracy. (Applause.)
I
know — I know there has been controversy about the promotion of
democracy in recent years, and much of this controversy is connected to
the war in Iraq. So let me be clear: No system of government can or
should be imposed by one nation by any other.
That does not
lessen my commitment, however, to governments that reflect the will of
the people. Each nation gives life to this principle in its own way,
grounded in the traditions of its own people. America does not presume
to know what is best for everyone, just as we would not presume to pick
the outcome of a peaceful election. But I do have an unyielding belief
that all people yearn for certain things: the ability to speak your
mind and have a say in how you are governed; confidence in the rule of
law and the equal administration of justice; government that is
transparent and doesn't steal from the people; the freedom to live as
you choose. These are not just American ideas; they are human rights.
And that is why we will support them everywhere. (Applause.)
Now,
there is no straight line to realize this promise. But this much is
clear: Governments that protect these rights are ultimately more
stable, successful and secure. Suppressing ideas never succeeds in
making them go away. America respects the right of all peaceful and
law-abiding voices to be heard around the world, even if we disagree
with them. And we will welcome all elected, peaceful governments —
provided they govern with respect for all their people.
This
last point is important because there are some who advocate for
democracy only when they're out of power; once in power, they are
ruthless in suppressing the rights of others. (Applause.) So no matter
where it takes hold, government of the people and by the people sets a
single standard for all who would hold power: You must maintain your
power through consent, not coercion; you must respect the rights of
minorities, and participate with a spirit of tolerance and compromise;
you must place the interests of your people and the legitimate workings
of the political process above your party. Without these ingredients,
elections alone do not make true democracy.
AUDIENCE MEMBER: Barack Obama, we love you!
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you. (Applause.)
The fifth issue that we must address together is religious freedom.
Islam
has a proud tradition of tolerance. We see it in the history of
Andalusia and Cordoba during the Inquisition. I saw it firsthand as a
child in Indonesia, where devout Christians worshiped freely in an
overwhelmingly Muslim country. That is the spirit we need today. People
in every country should be free to choose and live their faith based
upon the persuasion of the mind and the heart and the soul. This
tolerance is essential for religion to thrive, but it's being
challenged in many different ways.
Among some Muslims, there's
a disturbing tendency to measure one's own faith by the rejection of
somebody else's faith. The richness of religious diversity must be
upheld — whether it is for Maronites in Lebanon or the Copts in Egypt.
(Applause.) And if we are being honest, fault lines must be closed
among Muslims, as well, as the divisions between Sunni and Shia have
led to tragic violence, particularly in Iraq.
Freedom of
religion is central to the ability of peoples to live together. We must
always examine the ways in which we protect it. For instance, in the
United States, rules on charitable giving have made it harder for
Muslims to fulfill their religious obligation. That's why I'm committed
to working with American Muslims to ensure that they can fulfill zakat.
Likewise, it is important for Western countries to avoid
impeding Muslim citizens from practicing religion as they see fit — for
instance, by dictating what clothes a Muslim woman should wear. We
can't disguise hostility toward any religion behind the pretence of
liberalism.
In fact, faith should bring us together. And that's
why we're forging service projects in America to bring together
Christians, Muslims and Jews. That's why we welcome efforts like Saudi
Arabian King Abdullah's interfaith dialogue and Turkey's leadership in
the Alliance of Civilizations. Around the world, we can turn dialogue
into interfaith service, so bridges between peoples lead to action —
whether it is combating malaria in Africa, or providing relief after a
natural disaster.
The sixth issue — the sixth
issue that I want to address is women's rights. (Applause.) I know — I
know — and you can tell from this audience, that there is a healthy
debate about this issue. I reject the view of some in the West that a
woman who chooses to cover her hair is somehow less equal, but I do
believe that a woman who is denied an education is denied equality.
(Applause.) And it is no coincidence that countries where women are
well educated are far more likely to be prosperous.
Now, let me
be clear: Issues of women's equality are by no means simply an issue
for Islam. In Turkey, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Indonesia, we've seen
Muslim-majority countries elect a woman to lead. Meanwhile, the
struggle for women's equality continues in many aspects of American
life, and in countries around the world.
I am convinced that
our daughters can contribute just as much to society as our sons.
(Applause.) Our common prosperity will be advanced by allowing all
humanity — men and women — to reach their full potential. I do not
believe that women must make the same choices as men in order to be
equal, and I respect those women who choose to live their lives in
traditional roles. But it should be their choice. And that is why the
United States will partner with any Muslim-majority country to support
expanded literacy for girls, and to help young women pursue employment
through micro-financing that helps people live their dreams.
(Applause.)
Finally, I want to discuss economic development and opportunity.
I
know that for many, the face of globalization is contradictory. The
Internet and television can bring knowledge and information, but also
offensive sexuality and mindless violence into the home. Trade can
bring new wealth and opportunities, but also huge disruptions and
change in communities. In all nations — including America — this change
can bring fear. Fear that because of modernity we lose control over our
economic choices, our politics, and most importantly our identities —
those things we most cherish about our communities, our families, our
traditions, and our faith.
But I also know that human progress
cannot be denied. There need not be contradictions between development
and tradition. Countries like Japan and South Korea grew their
economies enormously while maintaining distinct cultures. The same is
true for the astonishing progress within Muslim-majority countries from
Kuala Lumpur to Dubai. In ancient times and in our times, Muslim
communities have been at the forefront of innovation and education.
And
this is important because no development strategy can be based only
upon what comes out of the ground, nor can it be sustained while young
people are out of work. Many Gulf states have enjoyed great wealth as a
consequence of oil, and some are beginning to focus it on broader
development. But all of us must recognize that education and innovation
will be the currency of the 21st century — (applause) — and in too many
Muslim communities, there remains underinvestment in these areas. I'm
emphasizing such investment within my own country. And while America in
the past has focused on oil and gas when it comes to this part of the
world, we now seek a broader engagement.
On education, we will
expand exchange programs, and increase scholarships, like the one that
brought my father to America. (Applause.) At the same time, we will
encourage more Americans to study in Muslim communities. And we will
match promising Muslim students with internships in America; invest in
online learning for teachers and children around the world; and create
a new online network, so a young person in Kansas can communicate
instantly with a young person in Cairo.
On economic
development, we will create a new corps of business volunteers to
partner with counterparts in Muslim-majority countries. And I will host
a Summit on Entrepreneurship this year to identify how we can deepen
ties between business leaders, foundations and social entrepreneurs in
the United States and Muslim communities around the world.
On
science and technology, we will launch a new fund to support
technological development in Muslim-majority countries, and to help
transfer ideas to the marketplace so they can create more jobs. We'll
open centers of scientific excellence in Africa, the Middle East and
Southeast Asia, and appoint new science envoys to collaborate on
programs that develop new sources of energy, create green jobs,
digitize records, clean water, grow new crops. Today I'm announcing a
new global effort with the Organization of the Islamic Conference to
eradicate polio. And we will also expand partnerships with Muslim
communities to promote child and maternal health.
All these
things must be done in partnership. Americans are ready to join with
citizens and governments; community organizations, religious leaders
and businesses in Muslim communities around the world to help our
people pursue a better life.
The issues that I have described
will not be easy to address. But we have a responsibility to join
together on behalf of the world that we seek — a world where extremists
no longer threaten our people, and American troops have come home; a
world where Israelis and Palestinians are each secure in a state of
their own, and nuclear energy is used for peaceful purposes; a world
where governments serve their citizens, and the rights of all God's
children are respected. Those are mutual interests. That is the world
we seek. But we can only achieve it together.
I know there are
many — Muslim and non-Muslim — who question whether we can forge this
new beginning. Some are eager to stoke the flames of division, and to
stand in the way of progress. Some suggest that it isn't worth the
effort — that we are fated to disagree, and civilizations are doomed to
clash. Many more are simply skeptical that real change can occur.
There's so much fear, so much mistrust that has built up over the
years. But if we choose to be bound by the past, we will never move
forward. And I want to particularly say this to young people of every
faith, in every country — you, more than anyone, have the ability to
re-imagine the world, to remake this world.
All of us share
this world for but a brief moment in time. The question is whether we
spend that time focused on what pushes us apart, or whether we commit
ourselves to an effort — a sustained effort — to find common ground, to
focus on the future we seek for our children, and to respect the
dignity of all human beings.
It's easier to start wars than to
end them. It's easier to blame others than to look inward. It's easier
to see what is different about someone than to find the things we
share. But we should choose the right path, not just the easy path.
There's one rule that lies at the heart of every religion — that we do
unto others as we would have them do unto us. (Applause.) This truth
transcends nations and peoples — a belief that isn't new; that isn't
black or white or brown; that isn't Christian or Muslim or Jew. It's a
belief that pulsed in the cradle of civilization, and that still beats
in the hearts of billions around the world. It's a faith in other
people, and it's what brought me here today.
We have the power
to make the world we seek, but only if we have the courage to make a
new beginning, keeping in mind what has been written.
The Holy
Quran tells us: "O mankind! We have created you male and a female; and
we have made you into nations and tribes so that you may know one
another."
The Talmud tells us: "The whole of the Torah is for the purpose of promoting peace."
The Holy Bible tells us: "Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called sons of God." (Applause.)
The people of the world can live together in peace. We know that is God's vision. Now that must be our work here on Earth.
Thank you. And may God's peace be upon you. Thank you very much. Thank you. (Applause.)