(The Elkhorn Manifesto)
SHADOW OF THE SWASTIKA:
The Real Reason the Government Won't
Debate
Medical Cannabis and Industrial Hemp Re-legalization
An Open Letter to All Americans
By R. William Davis
Documented Evidence of a Secret Business and Political Alliance
Between the U.S. "Establishment" and the Nazis -
Before, During and After World War II - up to the Present.
PREFACE
INTRODUCTION
AGRICULTURE VS.
INDUSTRY
U.S. CORPORATIONS AND THE NAZIS
THE US/NAZI CARTEL
AGREEMENT
STANDARD
OIL OF NEW JERSEY (Now Exxon)
THE FORD MOTOR COMPANY
INTERNATIONAL TELEPHONE AND TELEGRAPH
ALLEN DULLES: ARCHITECT OF THE US-NAZI NETWORK
THE NEW WORLD (DIS)ORDER
THE BUGGING OF
WALL STREET
THE ENEMY OF MY
ENEMY
A PLEDGE BETRAYED
THE GEHLEN ORGANIZATION
TRIPLE CROSS
COLD WARRIORS
RICHARD MILHOUSE NIXON
GEORGE HERBERT WALKER BUSH
THE
BUSH-DULLES-NAZI CONNECTION
EDWIN
PAULEY
CONCLUSION
PREFACE
Before the Gatewood Galbraith for
Governor Campaign in 1991, few Kentuckians knew that the plant that the
federal government had demonized for over 50 years as "Marijuana - Assassin
of Youth," was, in fact, Cannabis Hemp, the most traded commodity in the
world until the mid-1800s, and our state's number one crop, industry, and
most important source of revenue, for over 150 years.
Today, thanks to the efforts of pioneer hemp researchers and public
advocates such as Galbraith, Jack Fraizer, Jack Herer, Chris Conrad, Ed
Rosenthal, Don Wirtshafter and others, the federal government's
unjustifiable suppression of our state's right to develop our most valuable
and versatile natural resource, is facing increasing opposition from an
informed public. Hemp is now recognized as
the number one agriculturally renewable raw material in the world, and
perhaps the only crop / industry which can guarantee us industrial and
economic independence from the trans-national corporations.
"Shadow of the Swastika" is a follow-up to my earlier work, "Cannabis
Hemp: the Invisible Prohibition Revealed," which I wrote and published in
support of the Galbraith Campaign. Since publication of that booklet, there
has been growing public acceptance of the evidence that Marijuana
Prohibition was created in 1937, not to protect society from the "evils of
the drug Marijuana," as the Federal government claimed, but as an act of
deliberate economic and industrial sabotage against the re-emerging
Industrial Hemp Industry.
Previous investigations by hemp researchers have been limited to the
suppression of free-market competition from the hemp industry, and focused
on the activities of three prominent members of America's corporate,
industrial and banking establishment during the mid- to late-1930s:
WILLIAM RANDOLPH HEARST, the newspaper and magazine tycoon.
The expected rebirth of cannabis hemp as a less expensive source of pulp
for paper meant his millions of acres of prime timberland, and
investment in wood pulp papermaking equipment, would soon be worth much
less. In the 1920s, about the same time as the equipment was developed
to economically mass-produce raw hemp into pulp and fiber for paper, he
began the "Reefer Madness" hoax in his newspaper and magazine
publications.
ANDREW MELLON, founder of the Gulf Oil Corporation.
He knew that cannabis hemp was an alternative industrial raw material
for the production of thousands of products, including fuel and
plastics, which, if allowed to compete in the free-market, would
threaten the future profits of the oil companies. As Secretary of the
Treasury he created the Federal Bureau of Narcotics, and appointed his
own future nephew-in-law, Harry Anslinger, as director. Anslinger would
later use the sensational, and totally fabricated, articles published by
Hearst, to push the Marijuana Tax Act of 1937 through Congress, which
successfully destroyed the rebirth of the cannabis hemp industry.
A prominent member of one Congressional subcommittee who voted in
favor of this bill was Joseph Guffey of Pennsylvania, an oil tycoon and
former business partner of Andrew Mellon in the Spindletop oil fields in
Texas.
THE DU PONT CHEMICAL CORPORATION,
which owned the patents on synthetic petrochemicals and industrial
processes that promised billions of dollars in future profits from the
sale of wood pulp paper, lead additives for gasoline, synthetic fibers
and plastics, if hemp could be suppressed. At the time, du Pont family
influence in both government and the private sector was unmatched,
according to historians and journalists.
This publication, however, reveals documented historical evidence that
the suppression of the hemp industry was only one key part of a much larger
conspiracy in the 1930s, not only by the three corporate interests named
above, but by many others, as well.
Congressional records, FBI reports and investigations by the Justice
Department, during the 1930s and 1940s, have already documented evidence of
this wider plot. A list of the corporations named include Du Pont, Standard
Oil, and General Motors, all of which were proven to be conspiring with Nazi
industrial cartels to eliminate competition world-wide and divide among
themselves the Earth's industrial resources and commercial markets, for
profitable exploitation.
This conspiracy succeeded. It is now obvious that this lack of serious
competition in the industrial raw materials market caused our present - and
totally contrived - addiction to petrochemicals. Its success is directly
responsible for the most troubling problems we now face in the 1990s;
serious damage to our environment, concentration of economic and political
power into fewer and fewer hands, and the weakening of the rights of
individuals and states to determine their own futures.
It is more and more evident that, given the historical record, the
structure of the New World Order is being built upon the Foundation of
Marijuana Prohibition, and only the relegalization of free-market hemp
competition can save us.
R. William Davis
July 4, 1996
Louisville, Kentucky
INTRODUCTION
To clearly understand the circumstances which existed during the 1930s
and 1940s, and are the subject of this booklet, it would be helpful to first
put the hemp / petrochemical conflict into historical perspective. The
events which took place in the years leading up to World War II were a
continuation of a struggle between agricultural and industrial interests
that began before the American Revolution, a struggle which has yet to be
decided, even today.
AGRICULTURE VS. INDUSTRY
The historical record, at least as it has been presented to us in the
public school system, is that the Civil War was fought to end slavery. This
is not the whole story. The truth of the matter is that it was also a clash
between Northern industrialists and Southern agriculturists, over control of
the expansion into the newly opened West.
In 1845, Abraham Lincoln wrote, "I hold it a paramount duty of us in the
free states due to the union of the states, and perhaps to liberty itself,
to let the slavery of other states alone." (1)
Concerning the Western territories, he said "The whole Nation is
interested that the best use shall be made of these territories. We want
them for homes and free white people. This they cannot be, to any
considerable extent, if slavery be planted within them." (2)
Lincoln was caught in the middle between the Northern industrialists and
the Southern agriculturists, who both wanted to dominate Western expansion
because of the wealth it offered. The industrialists knew that the
agriculturists depended on slavery because cotton, upon which Southern
wealth was based, was very labor intensive and required the inexpensive
labor that slavery provided. They knew that if the Western lands were
declared "free states" then the Southern agriculturists would be unable to
compete, and would be forced to leave Western expansion, and its potential
profits, to the Northern industrialists.
Quoting "The Irony of Democracy," by Thomas R. Dye and T. Harmon Zeigler,
"The importance of the Civil War for America's elite structure was the
commanding position that the new industrial capitalists won during the
course of the struggle. . . . The economic transformation of the United
States from an agricultural to an industrial nation reached the
crescendo of a revolution in the second half of the nineteenth century.
"Civil War profits compounded the capital of the industrialists and
placed them in a position to dominate the economic life of the nation.
Moreover, when the Southern planters were removed from the national
scene, the government in Washington became the exclusive domain of the
new industrial leaders." (3)
The Northern industrialists used this increased capital to build the
system of transcontinental railways, linking the Northeast with both the
South and West. The labor for this undertaking was from the Northeastern
Establishment's own source of cheap labor - recently freed slaves and poor
immigrants from Europe and China - who suffered under living conditions
which were often little better than those which existed under the Slave
System just a few years before.
It was during the years between the Civil War and the beginning of the
Twentieth Century that the Northern industrialists altered the role of the
American government. Originally established by the Revolution to protect and
preserve the lives, property and freedoms of all Americans from repressive
government, it was transformed into an agency to protect the economic future
of Northern industrialists.
"[T]he industrial elites," according to Dye and Zeigler, "saw no
objection to legislation if it furthered their success in business.
Unrestricted competition might prove who was the fittest, but as an added
precaution to insure that the industrial capitalists themselves emerged as
the fittest, these new elites also insisted upon government subsidies,
patents, tariffs, loans, and massive giveaways of land and other natural
resources." (4)
The struggle between Western farmers and the railroads owned by the
Northern industrialists is a good example. To protect their interests,
citizens created "the Grange," an organization which helped to enact state
laws regulating the "ruthless aggression" of the railroads. In 1877, these
laws were upheld by the Supreme Court in the Munn v. Illinois decision. But,
a few years later, Justice Stephen A. Field changed the role, and the very
definition, of the corporation. He gave a new interpretation to the
Fourteenth Amendment that actually gave corporations legal status as
citizens . . . as artificial persons. (5)
It was not long after this change in the interpretation of the Fourteenth
Amendment that John D. Rockefeller, the father of the modern-day
corporation, created the great Standard Oil Corporation which, by the late
1880s, gained control over 90% of all the oil refineries in America. (6)
The roots of 20th Century American politics can best be illustrated by
the 1896 Presidential Election, won by Republican William McKinley by a
landslide. The McKinley campaign was directed by Marcus Alonzo Hanna of
Standard Oil and raised a $16,000,000 campaign fund from wealthy fellow
industrialists, (an amount that was unmatched in Presidential campaigns
until the 1960s). The major theme of the campaign, and one that would echo
far into the future, was "what's good for business is good for the country."
(7)
This emerging political and judicial misuse of power in America was
feared by Thomas Jefferson who, in 1787, wrote, "I think our governments
will remain virtuous for many centuries; as long as they remain chiefly
agricultural; and this will be as long as there shall be vacant lands in any
part of America. When they get piled upon one another in large cities as in
Europe they will become corrupt as in Europe." (8)
It is important to remember that the American Revolution was a clash
between the agriculturists in the colonies, and the British industrialists
who controlled the government in England. Almost 100 years later the Civil
War was fought as a continuation of the same basic struggle, but with the
victory going back to the industrialists. This began the erosion of the
American government "of the people, for the people and by the people." The
buying of the 1896 Presidential Election, by Hanna of Standard Oil and the
Northern industrial interests, was the next important step on the long road
to the American government "of the corporation, for the corporation and by
the corporation."
A few years later, World War I would forge an even closer relationship
between corporations and government in the United States, as well as around
the world. Anthony Sampson, in his book "The Arms Bazaar," notes that "the
American companies, led by US Steel and du Pont, were transformed by war
orders. US Steel, which had absorbed Carnegie's old steel company, had made
average annual profits in the four pre-war years of $105 million, while in
the four war years they were $240 million; and du Pont's average profit went
up from $6 million to $58 million. . . .
"Certainly the arms companies had become much richer through the war, and
there were widespread suspicions that they were actually trying to prolong
it." (9)
The bottom line is, of course, victory or profit, and in what
proportions? To what lengths would this nation's top industrial leaders go
to secure their share of the profits before and during the next "war to end
all war?"
NOTES: INTRODUCTION
- American Political Tradition, Hofstadter, p. 109. (As reprinted in
The Irony of Democracy, Thomas R. Dye and L. Harmon Zeigler, p. 72)
- American Political Tradition, p. 113. (As reprinted in The Irony of
Democracy, p. 72)
- Irony of Democracy, p. 73
- Ibid., p. 74
- Ibid., p. 75
- Ibid., p. 76
- Ibid., p. 82
- Ibid., p. 62
- The Arms Bazaar, Anthony Sampson, p. 65
U.S. CORPORATIONS AND THE NAZIS
"A clique of U.S. industrialists is hell-bent to bring a fascist state
to supplant our democratic government and is working closely with the
fascist regime in Germany and Italy. I have had plenty of opportunity in
my post in Berlin to witness how close some of our American ruling
families are to the Nazi regime. . . .
"Certain American industrialists had a great deal to do with bringing
fascist regimes into being in both Germany and Italy. They extended aid
to help Fascism occupy the seat of power, and they are helping to keep
it there." - William E. Dodd, U.S. Ambassador to Germany,
1937.(1)
A large volume of documentary evidence exists that reveals that many of
the richest, most powerful men in the United States, and the giant
corporations they controlled, were secretly allied with the Nazis, both
before and during World War II, even after war was declared between Germany
and America. This alliance began with U.S. corporate investment during the
reconstruction of post-World War I Germany in the 1920s and, years later,
included financial, industrial and military aid to the Nazis.
On the pages which follow we will review which prominent Americans and
corporations were involved, what aid and comfort they gave our nation's
enemies - treasonable offenses during time of war, and investigations into
these matters which produced evidence of a US/Nazi corporate conspiracy to
bring a fascist state to America, and eliminate competition in the
industrial raw materials market in order to force world-wide dependance on
oil-based petrochemicals.
WILLIAM RANDOLPH HEARST
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Hearst, who was so concerned about the American public's health and
safety on the matter of marijuana use, apparently had no such fears when it
came to Hitler and the Nazis. According to journalist George Seldes:
". . . Hitler had the support of the most widely circulated magazine
in history, 'Readers Digest,' as well as nineteen big-city newspapers
and one of the three great American news agencies, the $220-million
Hearst press empire.
". . . William Randolph Hearst, Sr., . . . was the lord of all the
press lords in the United States. The millions who read the Hearst
newspapers and magazines and saw Hearst newsreels in the nation's
moviehouses had their minds poisoned by Hitler propaganda.
"It was . . . disclosed first to President Roosevelt [by Ambassador
Dodd] almost on the day it happened, in September 1934, and it is
detailed in the book 'Ambassador Dodd's Diary,' published in 1941, and
again in libel-proof documents on file in the courts of the state of New
York. William E. Dodd, professor of history [at the University of
Chicago], told me about the Hearst sell-out . . .
"According to Ambassador Dodd, Hearst came to take the waters at Bad
Nauheim in September 1934, and Dodd somehow learned immediately that
Hitler had sent two of his most trusted Nazi propagandists, Hanfstangel
and Rosenberg, to ask Hearst how Nazism could present a better image in
the United States. When Hearst went to Berlin later in the month, he was
taken to see Hitler."
Seldes reports that a $400,000 a year deal was struck between Hearst and
Hitler, and signed by Doctor Joseph Goebbels, the Nazi propaganda minister.
"Hearst," continues Seldes, "completely changed the editorial policy of his
nineteen daily newspapers the same month he got the money."
In the court documents filed on behalf of Dan Gillmor, publisher of a
magazine named "Friday," in response to a lawsuit by Hearst, under item 61,
he states: "Promptly after this said visit with Adolf Hitler and the making
of said arrangements. . . said plaintiff, William Randolph Hearst,
instructed all Hearst press correspondents in Germany, including those of
INS [Hearst's International News Service] to report happenings in Germany
only in a friendly' manner. All of such correspondents reporting happenings
in Germany accurately and without friendliness, sympathy and bias for the
actions of the then German government, were transferred elsewhere,
discharged, or forced to resign. . . ."
In the late 1930s, Seldes recounts, when "several sedition indictments
[were brought by] the Department of Justice . . . against a score or two of
Americans, the defendants included an unusually large minority of newspaper
men and women, most of them Hearst employees." (2)
ANDREW MELLON
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"Thurman Arnold, as assistant district attorney of the United States,
his assistant, Norman Littell, and several Congressional investigations,
have produced incontrovertible evidence that some of our biggest
monopolies entered into secret agreements with the Nazi cartels and
divided the world up among them," states Seldes in his book, "Facts and
Fascism," published in 1943. "Most notorious of all was Alcoa, the
Mellon-Davis-Duke monopoly which is largely responsible for the fact
America did not have the aluminum with which to build airplanes before
and after Pearl Harbor, while Germany had an unlimited supply." (3)
Alcoa sabotage of American war production had already cost the U.S.
"10,000 fighters or 1,665 bombers," according to Congressman Pierce of
Oregon speaking in May 1941, because of "the effort to protect Alcoa's
monopolistic position. . ."
"If America loses this war," said Secretary of the Interior [Harold]
Ickes, June 26, 1941, "it can thank the Aluminum Corporation of America."
"By its cartel agreement with I.G. Farben, controlled by Hitler," writes
Seldes, "Alcoa sabotaged the aluminum program of the U.S. air force. The
Truman Committee [on National Defense, chaired by then-Senator Harry S.
Truman in 1942] heard testimony that Alcoa's representative, A.H. Bunker,
$1-a-year head of the aluminum section of O.P.M., prevented work on our
$600,000,000 aluminum expansion program." (4)
DU PONT AND GENERAL MOTORS
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General Motors is included here because, by 1929, the Du Pont corporation
had acquired controlling interest in, and had interlocking directorships
with, General Motors.
Irenee du Pont, "the most imposing and powerful member of the clan,"
according to biographer and historian Charles Higham, "was obsessed with
Hitler's principles." "He keenly followed the career of the future Fuhrer in
the 1920s, and on September 7, 1926, in a speech to the American Chemical
Society, he advocated a race of supermen, to be achieved by injecting
special drugs into them in boyhood to make their characters to order."
Higham's book on this subject, "Trading with the Enemy: An Expose of the
Nazi-American Money Plot 1933-1949," is highly recommended.
Du Pont's anti-Semitism "matched that of Hitler" and, in 1933, the Du
Ponts "began financing native fascist groups in America . . ." one of which
Higham identifies as the American Liberty League: "a Nazi organization
whipping up hatred of blacks and Jews," and the "love of Hitler.
"Financed . . . to the tune of $500,000 the first year, the Liberty
League had a lavish thirty-one-room office in New York, branches in
twenty-six colleges, and fifteen subsidiary organizations nationwide
that distributed fifty million copies of its Nazi pamphlets. . . .
"The Du Ponts' fascistic behavior was seen in 1936, when Irenee du
Pont used General Motors money to finance the notorious Black Legion.
This terrorist organization had as its purpose the prevention of
automobile workers from unionizing. The members wore hoods and black
robes, with skulls and crossbones. They fire-bombed union meetings,
murdered union organizers, often by beating them to death, and dedicated
their lives to destroying Jews and communists. They linked to the Ku
Klux Klan. . . . It was brought out that at least fifty people, many of
them blacks, had been butchered by the Legion." (5)
Du Pont support of Hitler extended into the very heart of the Nazi war
machine as well, according to Higham, and several other researchers:
"General Motors, under the control of the Du Pont family of Delaware, played
a part in collaboration" with the Nazis.
"Between 1932 and 1939, bosses of General Motors poured $30 million into
I.G. Farben plants . . ." Further, Higham informs us that by "the mid-1930s,
General Motors was committed to full-scale production of trucks, armored
cars, and tanks in Nazi Germany." (6)
Researchers Morton Mintz and Jerry S. Cohen, in their book, "Power Inc.,"
describe the Du Pont-GM-Nazi relationship in these terms:
". . . In 1929, [Du Pont-controlled] GM acquired the largest
automobile company in Germany, Adam Opel, A.G. This predestined the
subsidiary to become important to the Nazi war effort. In a heavily
documented study presented to the Senate Subcommittee on Antitrust and
Monopoly in February 1974, Bradford C. Snell, an assistant subcommittee
counsel, wrote:
"'GM's participation in Germany's preparation for war began in 1935.
That year its Opel subsidiary cooperated with the Reich in locating a
new heavy truck facility at Brandenburg, which military officials
advised would be less vulnerable to enemy air attacks. During the
succeeding years, GM supplied the Wehrmact with Opel "Blitz" trucks from
the Brandenburg complex. For these and other contributions to [the
Nazis] wartime preparations, GM's chief executive for overseas
operations [James Mooney] was awarded the Order of the German Eagle
(first class) by Adolf Hitler.'"
Du Pont-GM Nazi collaboration, according to Snell, included the
participation of Standard Oil of New Jersey [now Exxon] in one, very
important arrangement. GM and Standard Oil of New Jersey formed a joint
subsidiary with the giant Nazi chemical cartel, I.G. Farben, named Ethyl
G.m.b.H. [now Ethyl, Inc.] which, according to Snell: "provided the
mechanized German armies with synthetic tetraethyl fuel [leaded gas]. During
1936-39, at the urgent request of Nazi officials who realized that Germany's
scarce petroleum reserves would not satisfy war demands, GM and Exxon joined
with German chemical interests in the erection of the lead-tetraethyl
plants. According to captured German records, these facilities contributed
substantially to the German war effort: 'The fact that since the beginning
of the war we could produce lead-tetraethyl is entirely due to the
circumstances that, shortly before, the Americans [Du Pont, GM and Standard
Oil] had presented us with the production plants complete with experimental
knowledge. Without lead-tetraethyl the present method of warfare would be
unthinkable.'" (7)
At about the same time the Du Ponts were serving the Nazi cause in
Germany, they were involved in a Fascist plot to overthrow the United States
government.
"Along with friends of the Morgan Bank and General Motors," in early
1934, writes Higham, "certain Du Pont backers financed a coup d'etat that
would overthrow the President with the aid of a $3 million-funded army of
terrorists . . ." The object was to force Roosevelt "to take orders from
businessmen as part of a fascist government or face the alternative of
imprisonment and execution . . ."
Higham reports that "Du Pont men allegedly held an urgent series of
meetings with the Morgans," to choose who would lead this "bizarre
conspiracy." "They finally settled on one of the most popular soldiers in
America, General Smedly Butler of Pennsylvania." Butler was approached by
"fascist attorney" Gerald MacGuire (an official of the American Legion), who
attempted to recruit Butler into the role of an American Hitler.
"Butler was horrified," but played along with MacGuire until, a short
time later, he notified the White House of the plot. Roosevelt
considered having "the leaders of the houses of Morgan and Du Pont"
arrested, but feared that "it would create an unthinkable national
crisis in the midst of a depression and perhaps another Wall Street
crash." Roosevelt decided the best way to defuse the plot was to expose
it, and leaked the story to the press.
"The newspapers ran the story of the attempted coup on the front
page, but generally ridiculed it as absurd and preposterous." But an
investigation by the Congressional Committee on Un-American Activities -
74th Congress, first session, House of Representatives, Investigation of
Nazi and other propaganda - was begun later that same year.
"It was four years," continues Higham, "before the committee dared to
publish its report in a white paper that was marked for 'restricted
circulation.' They were forced to admit that 'certain persons made an
attempt to establish a fascist organization in this country . . . [The]
committee was able to verify all the pertinent statements made by
General Butler.' This admission that the entire plan was deadly in
intent was not accompanied by the imprisonment of anybody. Further
investigations disclosed that over a million people had been guaranteed
to join the scheme and that the arms and munitions necessary would have
been supplied by Remington, a Du Pont subsidiary." (8)
The names of important individuals and groups involved in the conspiracy
were suppressed by the committee, but later revealed by Seldes, Philadelphia
Record reporter Paul French, and Jules Archer, author of the book, "The Plot
to Seize the White House." Included were John W. Davis (attorney for the
J.P. Morgan banking group), Robert Sterling Clark (Wall Street broker and
heir to the Singer sewing machine fortune), William Doyle (American Legion
official), and the American Liberty League (backed by executives from J.P.
Morgan and Co., Rockefeller interests, E.F. Hutton, and Du Pont-controlled
General Motors). (9)
THE US/NAZI
CARTEL AGREEMENT
"On November 23, 1937," states Higham, "representatives of General Motors
held a secret meeting in Boston with Baron Manfred von Killinger, who was .
. . in charge of West Coast espionage [for the Nazis], and Baron von
Tipplekirsch, Nazi consul general and Gestapo leader in Boston. This group
signed a joint agreement showing total commitment to the Nazi cause for the
indefinite future. . . ." (10)
Seldes describes the plotters as "the great owners and rulers of America
who planned world domination through political and military Fascism"
including "several leading American industrialists, members of the Congress
of the United States, and representatives of large business and political
organizations . . ."
He obtained the text of the agreement, and published it in his
newsletter, "In Fact," on July 13, 1942. The plan "goes much further than
the mere cartel conspiracies of Big Business of both countries," writes
Seldes, "because it has political clauses and points to a bigger conspiracy
of money and politicians such as helped betray Norway and France and other
lands to the Nazi machine. The most powerful fortress in America is the
production monopolies, but its betrayal would involve, as it did in France,
the participation of some of the most powerful figures of the political as
well as the industrial world." (11)
STANDARD OIL OF NEW JERSEY (Now Exxon)
"On February 27, 1942," according to Higham, "Arnold, with documents
stuffed under his arms, . . . strode into the lion's den of Standard at
30 Rockefeller Plaza. Just behind him were Secretary of the Navy
Franklin Knox and Secretary of the Army Henry L. Stimson." They
confronted Standard official William Farish and "Arnold sharply laid
down his charges" that "by continuing to favor Hitler in rubber deal and
patent arrangements," Standard Oil "had acted against the interests of
the American government . . . suggested a fine of $1.5 million and a
consent decree whereby Standard would turn over for the duration all the
patents" in question.
"Farish rejected the proposal on the spot. He pointed out that
Standard" was also selling the U.S. a "high percentage" of the fuel
being used by the Army, Navy, and Air Force "making it possible for
America to win the war. Where would America be without it?"
Blackmail? Yes, says Higham. And effective. Arnold was finally reduced to
asking the oil company official "to what Standard Oil would agree. After
all, there had to be at least token punishment. . . . Arnold, Stimson, and
Knox soon realized they had no power to compare with that of Standard."
The price Standard Oil "agreed" to pay for its crime? A modest fine of a
few thousand dollars divided up among ten defendants. "Farish paid $1,000,
or a quarter of one week's salary, for having betrayed America."
In New Jersey, charges of "criminal conspiracy with the enemy" were filed
against Standard, then "dropped in return for Standard releasing its patents
and paying the modest fine." But Arnold, and his ally, Secretary of the
Interior Harold Ickes, weren't finished with Standard Oil just yet. They
approached Senator Truman, chairman of the Senate Special Committee
Investigating the National Defense Program. "With great enthusiasm Give 'em
Hell Harry embarked on a series of hearings in March 1942, in order to
disclose the truth about Standard."
Between the 26th and the 28th of March, 1942, Arnold "produced documents
showing that Standard and Farben in Germany had literally carved up the
world markets, with oil and chemical monopolies all over the map," according
to Higham. (12)
Mintz and Cohen describe the confrontation:
"Four months after the United States entered World War II, the
Justice Department obtained an indictment of Exxon and its principal
officers for having made arrangements, starting in the late 1920s with
I.G. Farben involving patent sharing and division of world markets.
Jersey Standard agreed not to develop processes for the manufacture of
synthetic rubber; in exchange, Farben agreed not to compete in the
American petroleum market. After war broke out in Europe, but before the
attack on Pearl Harbor, executives of Standard Oil and Farben, at a
meeting in Holland, established a 'modus vivendi' for continuing the
arrangements in event of war between the United States and Germany -
although the arrangements interfered with the ability of the United
States to make synthetic rubber desperately needed after it entered the
war in December 1941. Rather than face a criminal trial, Exxon and the
indicted executives entered no-contest pleas - the legal equivalent of
guilty pleas - and were fined the minor sums which were the maximum
amounts permitted by law. A few days later, on March 26, 1942, the
Senate Special Committee Investigating the National Defense Program held
a hearing at which Thurman Arnold, chief of the Antitrust Division, put
into the record documents on which the [criminal] indictment had been
based, including a memo from a Standard Oil official on the 'modus
vivendi' agreed to in Holland. After the hearing, the committee
chairman, Harry S. Truman, characterized the arrangements as
treasonable." (13)
Another source book on this subject of US / Nazi corporate activities is
"The Secret War Against the Jews," by Mark Aarons and John Loftus. Here is
their version of the events:
"Before the war Standard of New Jersey had forged a synthetic oil and
rubber cartel with the Nazi-controlled I.G. Farben," which "worked well
until the United States joined the war in 1941. . . . Next to the
Rockefellers, I.G. Farben owned the largest share of stock in Standard
Oil of New Jersey. Among other things, Standard had provided Farben with
its synthetic rubber patents and technical knowledge, while Farben had
kept its patents to itself, under strict instructions from the Nazi
government."
Evidence which Thurman Arnold turned over to the Truman Committee, which
Truman would declare "treasonous," included "Standard's 1939 letter renewing
its agreement, which made it clear that the Rockefellers' company was
prepared to work with the Nazis whether their own government was at war with
the Third Reich or not. Truman's Senate Committee on the National Defense
was outraged and began to probe into the whole scandalous arrangement, much
to the discomfort of John D. Rockefeller, Jr. Suddenly, however, the whole
matter was dropped.
"There was a reason for Rockefeller's escape: blackmail. According to the
former intelligence officers we interviewed on this point, the blackmail was
simple and powerful: The Dulles brothers [John Foster, later Secretary of
State, and Allen, later director of the CIA] had one of their clients
threaten to interrupt the U.S. oil supply during wartime."
When confronted by Arnold on the Standard - Farben arrangement "Standard
executives made it clear that the entire U.S. war effort was fueled by their
oil and it could be stopped. . . . The American government had no choice but
to go along if it wanted to win the war." (14)
July 13, 1944, Ralph W. Gallagher, attorney for Standard Oil, filed a
lawsuit against the U.S. government's seizure of the contested patents. "On
November 7, 1945, Judge Charles E. Wyzanski gave his verdict," according to
Higham. "He decided that the government had been entitled to seize the
patents. Gallagher appealed. On September 22, 1947, Judge Charles Clark
delivered the final word on the subject. He said, 'Standard Oil can be
considered an enemy national in view of its relationships with I.G. Farben
after the United States and Germany had become active enemies.' The appeal
was denied." (15)
One aspect of this Standard - I.G. Farben relationship, revealed in
testimony during the Patents Committee hearings, chaired by Senator Homer T.
Bone in May 1942, is of interest to those who seek direct evidence of a
conspiracy by big oil companies to suppress development of synthetic
substitutes to petrochemical products such as industrial chemicals, aircraft
lubricants and fuel, all of which can be made from hemp:
"On May 6th, John R. Jacobs, Jr., of the Attorney General's department,
testified that Standard had interfered with the American explosives industry
by blocking the use of a method of producing synthetic ammonia. As a result
of its deals with Farben, the United States had been unable to get the use
of this vital process even after Pearl Harbor. Also, the United States had
been restricted in techniques of producing hydrogen from natural gas and
from obtaining paraflow, a product used for airplane lubrication at high
altitudes. . . ."
On August 7th, "Texas oil operator C.R. Starnes appeared to testify that
Standard had blocked him at every turn in his efforts to produce synthetic
rubber after Pearl Harbor. . . ."
On August 12th, "John R. Jacobs reappeared in an Army private's uniform
(he had been inducted the day before) to bring up another disagreeable
matter: Standard had also, in league with Farben, restricted production of
methanol, a wood alcohol that was sometimes used as motor fuel." (16)
The restriction against methanol production apparently did not apply to
the Nazis, however. "As late as April 1943," Higham reveals, "General Motors
in Stockholm [Sweden] was reported as trading with the enemy. . . . Further
documents show that, as with Ford, repairs on German army trucks and
conversion from gasoline to wood-gasoline production were being handled by
GM in Switzerland." (17)
The use of hemp as a source of methanol was known to the Nazis, revealed
in the pamphlet "The Humorous Hemp Primer," published in Berlin, also in
1943. This document, recently re-published in the 1995 edition of "Hemp and
the Marijuana Conspiracy: The Emperor Wears No Clothes," by veteran hemp
conspiracy researcher Jack Herer, states that:
"Crops should not only provide food in large quantities, they can
provide raw materials for industry. . . . Among such raw materials of
especially high value is hemp . . .
"The woody part of this large plant is not to be thrown out, since it
can easily be used for surface coatings for the finest floors. It also
provides paper and cardboard, building materials and wall paneling.
Further processing will even produce wood sugar and wood gas. . . .
"Anyone who grows hemp today need not fear a lack of a market,
because hemp, as useful as it is, will be purchased in unlimited
amounts." (18)
The Nazis obviously considered hemp a vital war material that could be
used to produce methanol, or "wood gas," at the same time, in 1943, that Du
Pont-controlled General Motors in Switzerland was "converting from gasoline
to wood-gasoline production." This, taken into consideration along with the
earlier statement that Standard Oil-I.G. Farben had "restricted production
of methanol" and the GM-Standard Oil-I.G. Farben joint venture, Ethyl, Inc.,
whose profitability depended on the production of lead-tetraethyl for
oil-based petrochemical gasoline - in direct competition with the
alternative methanol, or "wood gas," certainly opens new avenues of
investigation into the existence of a conspiracy against hemp as an
alternative, and competing, industrial raw material, by these very same
corporations which sold America out to the Nazis for profit and control of
world resources and markets.
"Just after Pearl Harbor," writes Seldes, "the Assistant Attorney
General, Mr. Thurman Arnold, issued a sensational report of the sabotage of
the national [war production] program, the first report naming the practices
which were later to be referred to as the treason of big business in
wartime. Said Mr. Arnold:
"Looking back over 10 months of defense effort we can now see how
much it has been hampered by the attitude of powerful basic industries
who have feared to expand their production because expansion would
endanger their future control of industry.
"Anti-trust investigations during the past year have shown that there
is not an organized basic industry in the United States which has not
been restricting production by some device or other in order to avoid
what they call 'ruinous overproduction after the war'." (19)
By "ruinous overproduction," of course, they meant free-market
competition. So, to question the existence of an industrial conspiracy
against competition, during the 1930s and 1940s, is pointless. It has long
been totally documented by volumes of evidence, available in the public
record. And among this list of convicted corporate conspirators are
murderers, racists, pro-Nazi collaborators, blackmailers and American
Fascists who plotted at least one armed take-over of the U.S. government.
And the list is not yet complete.
THE FORD MOTOR
COMPANY
Henry Ford, writes Higham, "admired Hitler from the beginning, when the
future Fuhrer was a struggling and obscure fanatic. He shared with Hitler a
fanatical hatred of Jews."
"Ford's book 'The International Jew' was issued in 1927. A virulent
anti-Semitic tract, it was still being distributed in Latin America and the
Arab countries as late as 1945. Hitler admired the book and it influenced
him deeply. Visitors to Hitler's headquarters at the Brown House in Munich
noticed a large photograph of Henry Ford hanging in his office. Stacked high
on the table outside were copies of Ford's book. As early as 1923," when
Hitler heard that Ford was planning to run for President, he "told an
interviewer from the 'Chicago-Tribune,' 'I wish that I could send some of my
shock troops to Chicago and other big American cities to help'."
As late as 1940, Ford Motor Company "refused to build aircraft engines
for England and instead built supplies of the 5-ton military trucks that
were the backbone of German army transportation." (20)
The Ford Motor Company was also aware of the potential of hemp as an
alternative industrial resource, devoting many years research to the
subject.
In a 1989 ABC Radio broadcast, Hugh Downs reported that in the 1930s,
"the Ford Motor Company also saw a future in biomass fuels. Ford operated a
successful biomass conversion plant that included hemp at their Iron
Mountain facility in Michigan. Ford engineers extracted methanol, charcoal
fuel, tar, pitch, ethyl acetate, and creosote - all fundamental ingredients
for modern industry, and now supplied by oil-related industries. . . . Henry
Ford's experiments with methanol promised cheap, readily-available fuel."
(21)
As reported in "Popular Mechanics" in December, 1941, Ford's research
represented "an industrial revolution in progress . . . a revolution in
materials that will affect every home." (22)
So, it is possible, even likely, that Ford and General Motors conversion
"from gasoline to wood-gasoline production" for Nazi Germany, as earlier
reported by Higham, involved at least some consideration of hemp as a
resource, if not actual production of "wood-gas" from hemp. After all, Ford
had already committed several years and significant research dollars to the
subject.
The implication of methanol fuel patents, hemp industry research and
production facilities, all in the hands of this cabal of Nazi-allied
American corporations, during a proven period of anti-competition
conspiracies, and wartime blackmail against the U.S. government, should
provide additional support for the hemp conspiracy theories. The fact is
that Nazi Germany recognized hemp as a vital war material - one which, just
before America's entrance into World War II, was positioned to compete in
the free-market against the products controlled by the Pro-Nazi American
corporations. Unrestricted expansion of United States industrial hemp
production threatened not only the profits of these treasonous corporations,
but the degree of their control over America's production of vital war
materials.
This view of hemp, not as a "dangerous drug" but as a vital war material,
was acknowledged by the Kentucky Legislature a little over 100 years before
the Japanese sneak attack on Pearl Harbor. In 1841, according to Professor
James F. Hopkins, author of "A History of the Hemp Industry in Kentucky,"
published by the University of Kentucky Press in 1951:
"When the farmers of Woodford County [KY] assembled in October, 1841,
to consider a program of hemp production for the navy, they only went as
far as to express an opinion that the government should employ a rope
spinner in Kentucky for the purpose of converting the fiber into yarns,
which could be transported much more cheaply and safely than the bulky
raw material. The Committee on Agriculture of the Kentucky House of
Representatives inquired into the matter early in 1842 . . .
"Both houses of the General Assembly sent to the Senators and
Congressmen from Kentucky a request that they use their 'best exertions'
to have established in the state one or more agencies for the inspection
and manufacture of hemp for the navy. A select committee of Congress,
appointed to consider the resolutions from Kentucky, reported three
resolutions of its own: that the navy be directed to construct a factory
at Louisville 'for the purpose of depositing and manufacturing . . .
such hempen fabrics of domestic water-rotted hemp as the public service
may require'; that inspectors be appointed to test the fiber that might
be offered for sale; and that, after due notice to the public, purchase
of the necessary amount of fiber be made at the factory. The Committee
contended that its plan would build up during peacetime a source of hemp
which would be vitally important in case of war, encourage American
agriculture and manufactures, and decrease the unfavorable balance of
trade." (23)
[NOTE: For many years we Kentuckians have had a good
deal of our heritage and history buried beneath a thick layer of
propaganda from a source of power and control in this country which
knows neither honor nor justice. Now, we are learning the truth. Our
history as a state built upon the foundation of a long- and
dishonestly- outlawed industry endures.] |
|
INTERNATIONAL TELEPHONE AND TELEGRAPH
Even after Pearl Harbor, ITT was working for the Nazis, reports Higham:
". . . the German army, navy, and air force contracted with ITT for the
manufacture of switchboards, telephones, alarm gongs, buoys, air raid
warning devices, radar equipment, and thirty thousand fuses per month for
artillery shells used to kill British and American troops."
ITT also "supplied ingredients for the rocket bombs that fell on London,"
and other devices as well, without which "it would have been impossible for
the German air force to kill American and British troops, for the German
army to fight the Allies in Africa, Italy, France, and Germany, for England
to have been bombed, or for Allied ships to have been attacked at sea." (24)
In 1938, "following a series of meetings with Luftwaffe chief Herman
Goring, [ITT founder and chairman Sosthenes] Behn encouraged ITT's Lorenz
subsidiary to purchase 28 percent of the Focke-Wulf firm, manufacturer of
the bombers that were to sink so many Allied ships during the war,"
according to researcher and author Jim Hougan. (25)
Anthony Sampson, in "The Sovereign State of ITT," reports on what is
perhaps the most bizarre aspect of the US/Nazi corporate partnership, war
reparations:
". . . ITT now presents itself as the innocent victim of the Second
World War, and has been handsomely recompensed for its injuries. In
1967, nearly thirty years after the events, ITT actually managed to
obtain $27 million in compensation from the American government, for war
damage to Focke-Wulf plants - on the basis that they were American
property bombed by Allied bombers." (26)
The Foreign Claims Settlement Commission was responsible for this payment
to ITT, and other U.S. corporations as well.
Bradford Snell reports that "After the cessation of hostilities, GM and
Ford demanded reparations from the U.S. Government for wartime damages
sustained by their Axis facilities as a result of Allied bombing. By 1967 GM
had collected more than $33 million in reparations and Federal tax benefits
for damages to its warplane and motor vehicle properties in formerly Axis
territories . . . Ford received a little less than $1 million, primarily as
a result of damages sustained by its military truck complex at Cologne."
(27)
ALLEN DULLES: ARCHITECT OF THE US-NAZI NETWORK
Contemporary history records Allen Dulles as one of America's top
spymasters, from his early days in the Office of Strategic Services (OSS) in
World War II, to his position as Director of the Central Intelligence Agency
(CIA) in the 1950s and early 1960s (until President John F. Kennedy fired
him over the Bay of Pigs disaster in 1961), and finally to his membership on
the controversial Warren Commission, which investigated President Kennedy's
assassination. Until recently, his pivotal role in promoting a U.S.
corporate relationship with the Nazis was little known. Loftus and Aarons
describe the post-World War I role of Allen, and his brother, John Foster,
in the following terms:
"We first turn to Dulles's creation of international finance networks
for the benefit of the Nazis. In the beginning, moving money into the
Third Reich was quite legal. Lawyers saw to that. And Allen and his
brother John Foster were not just any lawyers. They were international
finance specialists for the powerful Wall Street law firm of Sullivan &
Cromwell. . . .
"The Dulles brothers were the ones who convinced American businessmen
to avoid U.S. government regulation by investing in Germany. It began
with the Versailles Treaty, in which they played no small role. After
World War I the defeated German government promised to pay war
reparations to the Allies in gold, but Germany had no gold. It had to
borrow the gold from Sullivan & Cromwell's clients in the United States.
Nearly 70 percent of the money that flowed into Germany during the 1930s
came from investors in the United States, many of them Sullivan &
Cromwell clients. . .
"Foster Dulles, as a member of the board of I.G. Farben, seems to
have had little difficulty in getting along with whoever was in charge.
Some of our sources insist that both Dulles brothers made substantial
but indirect contributions to the Nazi party as the price of continued
influence inside the new German order. . . ." (28)
NOTES: U.S. CORPORATIONS AND THE NAZIS
- Facts and Fascism, George Seldes, p. 122
Trading with the Enemy, Charles Higham, p. 167
- Even the Gods Can't Change History, Seldes, pp. 140-144
- Facts and Fascism, p. 68
- Ibid., p. 262
- Trading with the Enemy, pp. 162-165
- Ibid., p. 166
- Power, Inc., Morton and Mintz, pp. 497-499
- Trading with the Enemy, pp. 163-165
- The Plot to Seize the White House, Jules Archer, Hawthorn Books,
1973 (Quoted from It's A Conspiracy, National Insecurity Council,
EarthWorks Press, 1992, pp. 179-184)
- Trading with the Enemy, pp. 167-168
- Facts and Fascism, pp. 68-70
- Trading with the Enemy, pp. 45-46
- Power, Inc, pp. 499-500
- The Secret War Against The Jews, Aarons and Loftus, pp. 44-65
- Trading with the Enemy, pp. 61-62
- Ibid., pp. 49-52
- Ibid., p. 176
- The Emperor Wears No Clothes, Jack Herer, pp. 127-130
- One Thousand Americans, Seldes, pp. 142-143
- Trading with the Enemy, pp. 154-156
- Ain't Nobody's Business If You Do, p. 734
- Popular Mechanics Magazine, Vol. 76, No. 6, Dec. 1941
(The Emperor Wears No Clothes, 1995 edition, p. 199)
- A History of the Hemp Industry in Kentucky, Professor James F.
Hopkins,
University of Kentucky Press, 1951
- Trading with the Enemy, p. 99
- Spooks, Jim Hougan, pp. 423-424
- The Sovereign State of ITT, Anthony Sampson, p. 47
(Power, Inc., pp. 500-501)
- GM and the Nazis, by Bradford C. Snell, Ramparts Magazine, June
1974, pp. 14-16 (Democracy for the Few, Michael Parenti, pp. 91-92)
- The Secret War Against the Jews, pp. 55-60
THE NEW WORLD (DIS)ORDER
"The first truth is that the liberty of a democracy is not safe if the
people tolerate the growth of private power to a point where it becomes
stronger than their democratic state itself. That, in essence, is fascism -
ownership of government by an individual, by a group, or by any other
controlling power.
"Among us today a concentration of private power without equal in history
is growing." - President Franklin Delano Roosevelt (1)
As mentioned earlier, the secret U.S./Nazi corporate alliance during
World War II was the result of substantial American investment in post-World
War I Germany. In order to protect these investments, and the accumulating
profits, the U.S. multinational corporations remained an important part of
the Nazi war machine until the final defeat of Germany in 1945. What effect
did the end of World War II have on this faction of American Nazi
collaborators?
In this section we will review the evidence, much of it from recently
de-classified documents, that this pro-Nazi faction, rather than facing
charges of high treason, became an integral part of the United States
national security apparatus, extending its fascist influence in both foreign
and domestic policies and, in effect, creating what has been referred to as
America's "Invisible Government." The excuse, of course, was Communism.
THE BUGGING OF
WALL STREET
Aarons and Loftus' research, which documents the Dulles brothers'
pro-Nazi activities, did not go unnoticed. "Before his death, former Supreme
Court Justice Arthur Goldberg granted one of the authors an interview.
Justice Goldberg had served in U.S. intelligence during World War II.
Although he said little in public, he had collected information on the
Dulles boys' activities over the years. His verdict was blunt. 'The Dulles
brothers were traitors.' They had betrayed their country, by giving aid and
comfort to the enemy in time of war." (2)
Much of what is now known about the activities of the Dulles brothers and
other American Nazi collaborators in banking and industry came as a result
of a top-secret joint U.S.-British intelligence program known as the Ultra
Project. "Prior to the United States' entry into the war," write Loftus and
Aarons, "Roosevelt permitted British intelligence to wiretap American
targets.
"According to our sources in the intelligence community, the area of
coverage included a good bit of the New York financial district, several
floors of Rockefeller Plaza, part of the RCA Building, two prominent
clubs, and various shipping firms. . . .
"The wiretap unit reported to Sir William Stephenson, a Canadian
electronics genius better known by his code name, 'Intrepid.' From his
headquarters in the Rockefeller building, Stephenson's job was to
identify U.S. companies that were aiding the Nazis." (3)
"Several months before the United States declared war," continue
Loftus and Aarons, "Bill Donovan invited Allen Dulles to head up the New
York branch of the Office of the Coordinator of Information (COI),
President Roosevelt's new intelligence agency and the precursor to the
Office of Strategic Services (OSS). Its primary mission was to collect
information against the Nazis and their collaborators. In other words,
Dulles was asked to inform on his own clients in New York. . . ."
"Roosevelt had approved his selection as head of the COI Manhattan
branch because he wanted Dulles where the British wiretappers could keep
an eye on him. . . .
"One floor below Dulles was Stephenson's wiretap shop. Inside
Dulles's operation was one of Roosevelt's spies, Arthur Goldberg . . ."
who, "confirmed . . . that Dulles's appointment was a setup. . . .
"Roosevelt was giving Dulles enough rope to hang himself. From
Stephenson's Manhattan wiretaps, it is known that Dulles was continuing
to work with his German business clients, who wanted to remove Hitler
and install a puppet of their own who would make peace with the West
while forging an alliance against Stalin. It was to be a kinder, gentler
Third Reich, favorably disposed to American financial interests. . . .
(4)
"The wiretap evidence against Dulles originally was collected by a
special section of Operation Safehaven, the U.S. Treasury Department's
effort to trace the movement of stolen Nazi booty towards the end of the
war. Roosevelt and Treasury Secretary Henry Morganthau had set up Dulles
by giving him the one assignment - intelligence chief in Switzerland -
where he would be most tempted to aid his German clients with their
money laundering."
Roosevelt had one thing in mind: "The sudden release of the Safehaven
intercepts would force a public outcry to bring treason charges against
those British and American businessmen who aided the enemy in time of war."
Among the targets were Allen Dulles, Henry Ford, and other U.S.
industrialists. (5)
The plan failed, however, due to Dulles being "tipped off . . . that he
was under surveillance" in time to cover his tracks. One possible source of
the leak was Vice President Henry Wallace, "who constantly shared
information with his brother-in-law, the Swiss minister in Washington during
the war."
"Wallace," the authors reveal, "gave many details of his secret meetings
with Roosevelt to the Swiss diplomat." The problem was that, at the time,
the Nazis "had recruited the head of the Swiss secret service."
It is, perhaps, no coincidence that Roosevelt dropped Wallace during the
1944 election, choosing instead Senator Harry S. Truman as his new running
mate. (6)
THE ENEMY OF MY ENEMY
"After the Nazis' 1943 defeat at Stalingrad," write Loftus and
Aarons, "various Nazi businessmen realized they were on the losing side
and made plans to evacuate their wealth. The Peron government in
Argentina was receiving the Nazi flight capital with open arms, and
Dulles helped it hide the money. . . .
"The Guinness Book of Records lists the missing Reichsbank treasure
[estimated at $2.5 billion dollars] as the greatest unsolved bank
robbery in history. Where did it go? . . . .
"According to our source, the bulk of the treasure was simply shipped
a very short distance across Austria and through the Brenner Pass into
Italy. Dulles's contacts were waiting at the Vatican. The German-Vatican
connection was how Allen Dulles and the Nazi industrialists planned to
get away with it. . . ." (7)
The effort was successful, according to the authors, who state that the
"vast bulk of the wealth of the Nazi empire" which "disappeared before the
end of World War II" reappeared "within a decade in the hands of the same
men who financed Hitler's war against the Jews. Allen Dulles's clients were
not defeated, only inconvenienced." The authors identify two of Dulles's
accomplices as James Jesus Angleton and his father, Hugh Angleton. The
Angletons were members of X-2, the OSS counterintelligence branch in Italy,
in 1943.
Like Dulles, Hugh Angleton was financially involved with Axis powers. He
was the European representative for National Cash Register in Italy before
the war and business associate of Dulles. When World War II broke out, the
authors write,
". . . Angleton was crushed financially as all his investments were in
enemy hands.
"Like Dulles's clients, he wanted his money back. Like Dulles, Hugh
offered his services to the OSS." With high-placed contacts in
Mussolini's Interior Ministry, Hugh was accepted and "promoted rapidly
in U.S. intelligence. He became second in command to Colonel Clifton
Carter, the OSS commander in Italy at the end of World War II." (8)
Perhaps the most controversial information which is now emerging with the
release of recently declassified documents concerning World War II, is the
role of the Vatican, both in its pre-war German investments, and its role in
helping Nazi war criminals escape justice after the war. Concerning the
Vatican-German investments, Loftus and Aarons are quite clear:
"That the Vatican encouraged such investments and even donated money
to Hitler himself cannot be denied. A German nun, Sister Pascalina, was
present at its creation. In the early 1920s she was the housekeeper for
Archbishop of the Vatican-Nazi connection . . . Eugenio Pacelli, then
the papal nuncio in Munich. Sister Pascalina vividly recalls receiving
Adolf Hitler late one night and watching the archbishop give Hitler a
large amount of Church money."
In addition, Eugenio Pacelli
"later convinced the Vatican to invest millions of dollars in the rising
German economy, money from the Vatican's land settlement that ended the
Pope's claim of sovereignty over territory outside the walls of Vatican
City. It was Pacelli who negotiated the Concordat with Germany and then
had to deal with the consequences of his own mistakes when he became
pope on the eve of World War II.
"The Vatican and the Dulles brothers had the same problem. Once their
money was in Hitler's hands, how would they get it back?"
The authors interviewed "a former colonel in U.S. Military Intelligence
who specialized in tracing enemy assets. He claimed that only a tiny portion
of the Reichbank's gold ingots actually reached the Vatican Bank, while the
rest was held in cooperative banks in Belgium, Liechtenstein, and especially
Switzerland." It was only necessary to transfer the paperwork on the gold,
not the gold itself. Since, by that time, Dulles knew his telegraph
communications were being monitored by the British wiretap operation in New
York, he instead used couriers to "ensure absolute secrecy in moving the
foreign currency and the ownership documents out of Switzerland . . .
special agents of the Vatican who had diplomatic immunity to move back and
forth across both Nazi and Allied lines. . . ." (9)
". . . . The Vatican's eminence grise for Balkan intelligence, the
Bosnian-Croat priest Krunoslav Draganovic, was involved in transporting
large quantities of Nazi booty, especially gold bullion, from Austria to
the safety of the Holy See with the help of the Dulles-Angleton clique
in Rome. Some of the booty was transported in truck convoys run by
British troops. Other shipments were carried in U.S. Army jeeps provided
to Father Draganovic so that he could conduct pastoral visits' on behalf
of the Vatican.
"Another ardent Nazi propagandist and agent, Slovenian bishop Gregory
Rozman, was sent to Bern with the help of Dulles's friends in U.S.
intelligence. Declassified U.S. intelligence files confirm that Bishop
Rozman was suspected of trying to arrange the transfer of huge
quantities of Nazi-controlled gold and Western currency that had been
discreetly secreted in Swiss banks during the war. For a few months the
Allies prevented Rozman from gaining access to this treasure, but then
the way was mysteriously cleared. In fact, the Dulles-Vatican connection
had fixed it, and before too long the bishop obtained the loot for his
Nazi friends, who were hiding in Argentina.
"Such instances turned out to be only the tip of the iceberg. It has
long been acknowledged that it was Allen Dulles who tipped off General
Patton about the buried German treasure that lay in the path of the U.S.
Third Army. Patton explicitly urged General Eisenhower to conceal as
much of the gold as possible, but his advice was refused.
"Our sources claim that Dulles and his colleagues exerted a great
deal of influence to ensure that Western investments in Nazi Germany
were not seized by the Allies as reparations for the Jews. After all,
much of 'Hitler's Gold' had originally belonged to the bankers in London
and New York. The . . . captured Nazi loot went underground. . . .
"In the cause of anticommunism, and to retrieve its own investments
in Germany, the Vatican agreed to become part of Dulles's smuggling
window, through which the Nazis and their treasure could be moved to
safety." (10)
On April 12th, 1945, Roosevelt died, and Truman became President. May
7th, Nazi Germany surrendered after the suicide of Adolf Hitler. September
2nd, Japan surrendered.
World War II finally ended, but at the cost of more than 35,000,000
lives, over half that amount civilians. The death toll for the United States
was 294,000. (11)
A PLEDGE BETRAYED
"Dulles and some of his friends volunteered for postwar service with
the government not out of patriotism but of necessity," according to
Loftus and Aarons. "They had to be in positions of power to suppress the
evidence of their own dealings with the Nazis. The Safehaven
investigation was quickly stripped from Treasury . . . and turned over
to the State Department. There Dulles's friends shredded the index to
the interlocking corporations and blocked further investigations.
"Dulles had this goal in mind: Not a single American businessman was
ever going to be convicted of treason for helping the Nazis. None ever
was, despite the evidence. According to one of our sources in the
intelligence community, the U.S. Army Counter Intelligence Corps had two
large 'Civilian Internment Centers' in Occupied Germany, code named
'Ashcan' and 'Dustbin.' The CIC had identified and captured a large
number of U.S. citizens who had stayed in Germany and aided the Third
Reich all through World War II. The evidence of their treason was
overwhelming. The captured German records were horribly incriminating.
"Yet Victor Wohreheide, the young Justice Department attorney
responsible for preparing the treason trials, suddenly ordered the
prisoners' release. All of the Nazi collaborators were allowed to return
to the United States and reclaim their citizenship. At the same time,
another Justice Department attorney, O. John Rogge, who dared to make a
speech about Nazi collaborators in the United States was quickly fired.
However, the attorney who buried the treason cases was later promoted to
special assistant attorney general.
"Dulles and his clients had won. The proof is in the bottom line.
Forty years after World War II, Fortune magazine published a list of the
hundred richest men in the world. There were no Jews on the list. The
great fortunes of the Rothschilds and Warburgs had been diminished to
insignificance by the Depression, the Nazis, and World War II.
"Near the top of the list were several multibillionaires who had been
prominent members of Hitler's inner circle. A few even had served time
in Allied prisons as Nazi war criminals, but they were all released
quickly. The bottom line is that the Nazi businessmen survived the war
with their fortunes intact and rebuilt their industrial empires to
become the richest men in the world. Dulles's clients got away with it.
President Roosevelt's dream of putting the Nazis' moneymen on trial died
with him."
England also failed to see justice done, according to the authors: "The
British authorities in Germany ordered the U.S. Army to release all of the
VIP British Nazis and hand over the evidence against them. Even before
Roosevelt's death, Churchill had already begun to withdraw from his
commitment to prosecute Nazis." The reason?" Too many British industries
might be seized as Nazi fronts. Too many upper-class collaborators might
have to be prosecuted. The Germans were defeated, and the Soviets were now
the enemy.
"Funding for British war crimes investigations suddenly dried up.
Nazi bankers such as Herman Abs were released from prison to work as
economic advisers in the British zone of Germany. The history of British
'efforts' to punish Nazis after the war is aptly summarized in Tom
Bower's book, 'The Pledge betrayed'. . . .
"The pattern was repeated all over the remnants of the Third Reich.
Despite direct orders from President Truman and General Eisenhower, I.G.
Farben, the citadel of the Nazi industrialists, was never dismantled.
Dulles's clients demanded, and received, Allied compensation for bomb
damage to their factories in Germany. Only a few of the top Nazis were
executed. Most of the rest were released from prison within a few years.
Others, . . . would go virtually unpunished. No one ever investigated
the Nazi sympathizers in Western intelligence who had made it all
possible." (12)
As we have seen, the American industrialists who did business with the
Nazis were in no way inconvenienced by war crimes trials, and even received
compensation for damages to their Nazi war plants. Some Nazi industrialists
were charged and convicted by the Nuremberg war crimes trials but, in their
book, "The American Establishment," authors Leonard and Mark Silk observe
that in the late 1940s "the United States and its leaders faced an agonizing
moral problem in coming to terms with those German industrialists who had
willingly done business with the Nazis and who were now just as willing to
do business with the Americans in the reconstruction of Germany. The problem
was dramatized when those German industrialists who had been convicted of
war crimes at Nuremberg were all released from Landsberg prison in early
1951, their sentences commuted by the American High Commissioner [of German
Occupation], John J. McCloy.
". . . . Whatever the motivation," the authors continue, "the blanket
release of the convicted industrialists was taken within Germany - and by
them - as a sign that businessmen were not to be seriously blamed for their
involvement in matters for which others were hanged or suffered long
imprisonment." (13)
The motivation for the mass release of imprisoned Nazi war criminals is
described in the book, "The New Germany and the Old Nazis," by T.H. Tetens,
an expert in German affairs.
Tetens observes that in "1950, when Washington showed its eagerness to
create a new German army of 500,000 men, the SS [at that time reorganized
into a neo-Nazi front group called HIAG, which stands for 'mutual
assistance,' a so-called veterans organization], together with the old
Wehrmacht officers, started an all-out campaign for the immediate release of
all war criminals. It was a superbly organized blackmail action, enjoying
wide support from the public, from all parties, and carried toward success
by Dr. Adenauer's astute maneuverings.
"The Chancellor suggested an inconspicuous way to solve the problem with
'parole,' 'sick leave,' and other roundabout methods. The more the U.S. High
Commission in Germany showed leniency, however, the stronger the pressure
became: either 'all so-called war criminals are released or there will be no
German army.' American diplomats followed Dr. Adenauer's plan to feed the
nationalistic monster piecemeal. Every few days we quietly released one or
two more from prison - the Krupps, the I.G. Farben directors, and dozens of
former Wehrmacht Generals. On friendly advice from Washington, the British
and the French, extremely reluctant, had to follow suit. When the supply
dried up, there remained behind bars only the SS, the mass murderers from
Dachau, Belsen, and Buchenwald, and the toughs from the Waffen SS who had
massacred American, British, and Canadian prisoners of war. This put High
Commissioner John McCloy in a most embarrassing position. . . ."
Tetens explains how Chancellor Adenauer helped High Commissioner McCloy
and the U.S. State Department avoid this embarrassment: Adenauer "suggested
the formation of a review board, with three German members sitting in and
having equal voice in making recommendations. The whole procedure was to be
shrouded in secrecy, and it was decided that the names of those released
should not be revealed to the public. In this way the last few hundred 'poor
devils,' those SS mass killers and sadists, were quietly set free within two
or three years." (14)
Christopher Simpson, in his extensively documented book on the subject of
U.S. recruitment of Nazis, "Blowback," goes into more detail of the
backgrounds of those released:
"The beneficiaries of this act included, for example, all of the
convicted concentration camp doctors; all of the top judges who had
administered the Nazis' 'special courts'" and dozens of similar cases. In
addition, "McCloy's clemency decisions for the Landsberg inmates set in
motion a much broader process that eventually freed hundreds of other
convicted Nazi war criminals over the next five years. . . . By the winter
of 1950-1951 the most senior levels of the U.S. government had decided to
abrogate their wartime pledge to bring Nazi war criminals to justice. . . .
in the interests of preserving West German military support for American
leadership in the cold war. While nazism and Hitler's inner circle continued
to be publicly condemned throughout the West, the actual investigation and
prosecution of specific Nazi crimes came to a standstill." (15)
One case merits special attention: Sepp Dietrich, "the organizer of the
Fuehrer's bodyguard. Dietrich carried out Hitler's personal murder
assignments" and, Tetens continues, "was in charge of the liquidation of the
Jewish population in the city of Kharkov. During the Battle of the Bulge his
troops committed the Malmedy massacre, killing more than 600 military and
civilian prisoners, among them 115 American G.I.s. He was sentenced to
death, and the sentence was later commuted to life imprisonment. In 1955 he
was one of the last poor devils' quietly released from prison and greeted by
the Bonn government with the homecoming pay of 6,000 marks." (16)
In a "New York Times" article published February 1, 1951, one prominent
American expressed support for the reduction of sentences for those
responsible for the mass murder of the 600 unarmed prisoners of war at
Malmedy, describing the decision as "extremely wise." The American was
Senator Joseph McCarthy, Republican from Wisconsin.
Tetens observes that, despite the wide-spread fear by "the French, the
British, and the smaller European countries" of a re-militarized Germany,
"the outbreak of the Korean War (June 1950) brought a total change. The
provisions which banned all military and veterans' organizations lost all
their meaning and were no longer enforced. Western Germany was allowed by
the Allies to set up its own General Staff, camouflaged under the name Blank
Office. Supported by Bonn and tolerated by the United States, a nation-wide
network was created to reactivate the experienced officers and the man power
of the old Wehrmacht. The short period of 1950-51 must be marked as the time
when Hitler's old officers, SS leaders, and [Nazi] party functionaries
returned to power and influence." (17)
Tetens' comment that the Nazi's return to power in Germany was "tolerated
by the United States" was a historical understatement. By the time Tetens'
book was published in 1961, hundreds of convicted Nazi war criminals had
already been smuggled out of Germany to avoid prosecution at the war crimes
trials at Nuremberg, recruited by, and on the payroll of several U.S.
government agencies, including the Army CIC, the OSS, and the Office of
Policy Coordination within the State Department.
Over the past fifty years, it is now documented, these Americanized
fugitive Nazi war criminals have been involved in, and in many cases in
charge of, many U.S. government covert operations -- international weapons
smuggling, drug cartels, Central American death squads, right wing
anti-communist dictatorships, LSD mind control experiments -- the Republican
National Committee's Ethnic Heritage Councils, and the Presidential
campaigns of Richard Nixon, Ronald Reagan, and George Bush.
THE GEHLEN
ORGANIZATION
Probably the most influential Nazi to come to work for the United States
intelligence agencies during the Cold War was named Gehlen.
"Reinhard Gehlen," writes author Christopher Simpson, "Hitler's most
senior military intelligence officer on the eastern front, had begun
planning his surrender to the United States at least as early as the fall of
1944." Of "several hundred" high-ranking Nazi officers who switched sides at
the end of World War II, Gehlen "proved to be the most important of them
all.
"In early March 1945 Gehlen and a small group of his most senior officers
carefully microfilmed the vast holdings on the USSR in the . . . military
intelligence section of the German army's general staff. They packed the
film in watertight steel drums and secretly buried it in remote mountain
meadows scattered through the Austrian Alps. Then, on May 22, 1945, Gehlen
and his top aides surrendered to an American Counter-intelligence Corps [CIC]
team." (18)
According to Tetens: ". . . [Gehlen] immediately asked for an interview
with the commanding officer . . ." and offered the United States "his
intelligence staff, spy apparatus, and the priceless files for future
service."
Gehlen was sent to Washington and his offer was taken. "The
Pentagon-Gehlen agreement," states Tetens, "in practice guaranteed the
continuation of the all-important Abwehr division of the German General
Staff. Hundreds of German army and SS officers were quietly released from
internment camps and joined Gehlen's headquarters in the Spessart Mountains
in central Germany. When the staff had grown to three thousand men, the
Bureau Gehlen opened a closely guarded twenty-five-acre compound near
Pullach, south of Munich, operating under the innocent name of the South
German Industrial Development Organization. . . .
"Within a few years the Gehlen apparatus had grown by leaps and bounds.
In the early fifties it was estimated that the organization employed up to
4,000 intelligence specialists in Germany, mainly former army and SS
officers, and that more than 4,000 V-men (undercover agents) were active
throughout the Soviet-bloc countries. Gehlen's spy network stretches from
Korea to Cairo, from Siberia to Santiago de Chile. . . . When the Federal
Republic [of West Germany] became a sovereign state in 1955, the Bureau
Gehlen was openly recognized as the official intelligence arm of the Bonn
government." (19)
How important was the Gehlen Org, as it became known, to the history of
the Cold War? Simpson's research documents that it was perhaps the most
significant element of all:
". . . . The Org became the most important eyes and ears for U.S.
intelligence inside the closed societies of the Soviet bloc. 'In 1946
[U.S.] intelligence files on the Soviet Union were virtually empty,'
says Harry Rositzke, the CIA's former chief of espionage inside the
Soviet Union. '. . . . Rositzke worked closely with Gehlen during the
formative years of the CIA and credits Gehlen's organization with
playing a "primary role" in filling the empty file folders during that
period. . . .'
"'Gehlen had to make his money by creating a threat that we were
afraid of,' says Victor Marchetti, formerly the CIA's chief analyst of
Soviet strategic war plans and capabilities, 'so we would give him more
money to tell us about it.' He continues: 'In my opinion, the Gehlen
Organization provided nothing worthwhile for the understanding or
estimating Soviet military or political capabilities in Eastern Europe
or anywhere else.' Employing Gehlen was 'a waste of time, money, and
effort, except that maybe he had some CI [counter- intelligence] value,
because practically everybody in his organization was sucking off both
tits.'" (20)
By 'sucking off both tits' Marchetti is referring to the fact that
Gehlen's elaborate operation was penetrated by Soviet spies at the very time
it was our most important source of intelligence upon which the Cold War was
based. In fact, the Communists had infiltrated Nazi intelligence long before
Gehlen switched sides.
TRIPLE CROSS
"In each generation," write Aarons and Loftus,"Soviet intelligence
created 'anti-Communist' emigre front groups, ostensibly to foment
revolution and topple Bolshevism. The front groups attracted support from
the West. Considerable financial assistance was supplied and close ties
forged with various Western intelligence services. This enabled the
Communist double agents running the front groups to co-opt the legitimate
emigre opposition, splinter their leadership and provoke them into premature
and poorly organized rebellions which were easily defeated. More
importantly, the false front groups were a vehicle for long-term Soviet
penetration of Western society. . . ."
The authors identify one of these groups as the Narodny Trudovoi Soyuz (NTS),
or the People's Labour Alliance. The NTS represented itself as a group of
anti-communist "moles" inside the Kremlin and, in the 1920s, recruited a
Communist agent named Prince Anton Vasilevich Turkel. Turkel, who actually
worked for Soviet Military intelligence (GRU), went on to penetrate French,
Japanese, Italian, British, German, and even the Vatican intelligence
services before the end of World War II.
"After World War II, Turkel worked for West German intelligence (the
Gehlen Org), collaborated with many of the spy services of NATO, including
the American Military Intelligence Service (MIS - for offensive
intelligence), the US Army Counter Intelligence Corps (CIC - for defensive
purposes), the ultra-secret State Department Office of Policy Co-ordination
and the Central Intelligence Agency. . ." (21)
"Just before World War II began," according to the authors, "an Austrian
Jew named Richard Kauder created a secret intelligence network, code named
MAX." Kauder, using the name of [Max] Klatt - Turkel's intelligence chief
["Unholy Trinity," Aarons and Loftus, p. 166] - "worked exclusively for
Admiral Wilhelm Canaris, the German spy chief who collaborated with the
Vatican and the British to topple Hitler during the war [the group known as
the Black Orchestra]."
The Nazis thought the Max network was made up of "so-called Fascist Jews"
who "were willing to spy against the Soviet Union, not for the glory of the
Third Reich but to save themselves and their families from the concentration
camps." The Max network was supposed to have had "the only communication
link to a secret network of 'White' Russian Fascists inside the Kremlin
[Turkel's NTS], who had supposedly infiltrated Stalin's military
headquarters prior to World War II." But, the authors continue, "the Max
network was not made up of Fascist Jews. They were, in fact, Communist Jews
who risked their lives inside the heart of the Third Reich's intelligence
service."
The Max network actually misled the Nazis, feeding them false
intelligence on the capabilities and intentions of the Soviet Union, leading
"the Nazi divisions into a series of death traps on the Eastern front." The
Max double-agents were responsible for the Nazis defeats at Stalingrad, "the
giant battle of Kursk where Hitler's tank divisions were slaughtered. The
final sting," continue the authors, "was to mislead Germany into believing
that the Red army was on the verge of collapse in 1944, when in fact the
Soviets were preparing for the most massive onslaught of the war.
"It would not be an exaggeration to say that the 'Fascist Jews' of the
Max network did more to defeat the German army than all the Western
intelligence services combined. Seventy percent of all Hitler's divisions
were destroyed on the Eastern front, largely as a result of the misleading
intelligence supplied by Max." (22)
When Gehlen was recruited by the United States, Allen Dulles ordered the
ex-Nazi spymaster to "revive the Max network." Gehlen already had plans to
do just that, intending "to make Turkel's Max network the centerpiece of his
new West German intelligence agency. As soon as a Republican president was
elected in the United States, Dulles intended to take over the CIA and make
Gehlen and Turkel the heart of his anti-Soviet network. The Soviets, of
course, were delighted as they watched Dulles and Gehlen attempt to plant a
Communist spy ring in the heart of Western intelligence. . . .
". . . [E]ventually, in 1956, the Allies decided that the whole thing
had been a giant Soviet-controlled operation. Dozens of operations,
hundreds of agents, thousands of innocent civilians had been betrayed. .
. .
". . . [T]hree years after Dulles became head of CIA in 1953, his pet
'Fascist,' Turkel, broadcast the CIA codes to start the Hungarian
uprising prematurely. Thousands of innocent Hungarians rushed on to the
streets of Budapest to start the revolution. Instead of American
paratroopers dropping supplies, they found Soviet tanks waiting in the
suburbs."
By 1959, the collapse of Dulles's spy network was almost total: "U.S.
Military Intelligence admitted to the National Security Council that it did
not have a single network of couriers or safe houses left in Communist
territory, apart from East Germany. Dulles's Nazi 'freedom fighters' had
sold him out." (23)
COLD WARRIORS
It was Harry Rositze who best described the attitude of the United States
military-intelligence establishment after the end of World War II: "Any
bastard as long as he was anti-Communist." Rositze, the "former head of
secret operations inside the USSR" for the CIA, was correct. (24)
We have seen that many Nazis - including those who committed atrocities -
returned to positions of power and influence inside Germany after the war.
Unknown until fairly recently was the extent of Nazi recruitment by U.S.
intelligence agencies and political organizations, in the 1940s and 1950s.
Perhaps the most publicized program of Nazi recruitment is that of
Project Paperclip, which involved the collection of Nazi rocket scientists
and facilities, all of which were later incorporated into the U.S. Space
Program. Klaus Barbie's employment by the U.S. State Department in the 1940s
is another well-known incident. Barbie, head of the Gestapo in Lyons,
France, was known as the "Butcher of Lyons" and was sought by the French
Government for atrocities committed against French Resistance fighters
captured by the Nazis. Barbie was recruited as a U.S. intelligence "asset"
in 1947 by one branch of the State Department's Counter-intelligence Corps (CIC),
while another branch, the Operation Selection Board, a joint U.S./British
project, was trying to put him in prison for war crimes.
Eventually, according to Aarons and Loftus, "Barbie's employment (and
protection) by the Americans began to reach French newspapers and
politicians at least as early as 1948. They, in turn brought increasing
pressure on the U.S. government through publicity and eventually through
official notes requesting Barbie's extradition from Germany. That, in the
final analysis, is why the CIC chose to provide Barbie with a new identity
and safe passage to Argentina in 1951, while thousands of other ex-Nazis who
had been 'of interest' to the CIC at one time or another have simply lived
out their lives in Germany. If the CIC had dumped Barbie when the French
government began requesting his extradition, he would have had plenty of
compromising things to say about the CIC. . ." (25)
But when Barbie was eventually captured by Bolivian authorities in the
early 1980s, and returned to France to face charges of war crimes, the U.S.
government was forced to conduct an investigation into the Barbie affair.
The official position? ". . . [T]his investigation concluded that the United
States had indeed protected Barbie in Europe and engineered his escape but
that Barbie was the only such Nazi who had been assisted in this fashion."
(26)
As documented previously, this statement was false. Hundreds, perhaps
thousands, of Nazis were employed by the several U.S. agencies, from the CIC
to the CIA, and used in covert operations overseas, as our first line of
defense against Communism. Others, equally as guilty of wartime atrocities,
were brought into the United States for domestic political purposes. This
aspect of the U.S.-Nazi connection is well-documented, and deserves closer
attention by the mainstream press.
One of the first researchers to reveal the connections between the U.S.
government and the Nazis, was a lady named Mae Brussell of Carmel,
California. Her career as a conspiracy researcher and host of the weekly
radio program "World Watchers International" began with the Kennedy
assassination. "In ferreting out every morsel from the Warren Report,"
writes Jonathan Vankin, author of the book "Conspiracies, Cover-ups and
Crimes," "supplementing her research with untold amounts of reading from the
'New York Times' to 'Soldier of Fortune,' Brussell discovered not merely a
conspiracy of a few renegade CIA agents, Mafiosi, and Castro haters behind
Kennedy's death, but a vast, invisible institutional structure layered into
the very fabric of the U.S. political system.
"Comprising the government within a government were not just spies,
gangsters, and Cubans, but Nazis. Mae found that many of the commission
witnesses -- whose testimony established Oswald as a lone nut' -- had
never even spoken to Oswald, or knew him only slightly. The bulk of them
were White Russian emigres living in Dallas. Extreme in their
anti-Communism, they were often affiliated with groups set up by the SS
in World War II -- Eastern European ethnic armies used by the Nazis to
carry out their dirtiest work.
"Brussell also discovered an episode from history rarely reported in
the media, and not often taught in universities. Those same
collaborationist groups were absorbed by United States intelligence
agencies. They hooked up with the spy net of German General Reinhard
Gehlen, Hitler's Eastern Front espionage chief."
"'This is a story of how key Nazis . . . anticipated military disaster
and laid plans to transplant nazism, intact but disguised, in havens in the
West,' wrote Mae Brussell in 1983. She didn't author too many articles, but
this one, 'The Nazi Connection to the John F. Kennedy Assassination' (in
'The Rebel,' a short-lived political magazine published by 'Hustler'
impresario Larry Flynt), was definitive, albeit convoluted.
"'It is a story that climaxes in Dallas on November 22, 1963, when John
Kennedy was struck down,' Brussell's article continued. 'And it is a story
with an aftermath -- America's slide to the brink of Fascism.'"
Mae Brussell quit broadcasting her radio show in Spring of 1988, after
receiving a death threat from a "man who is said to have identified himself
as 'a fascist and proud of it.'"
The last project she worked on, before her death from cancer on October
3, 1988, writes the author, "was a study of Satanic cults -- within the U.S.
military. The hidden fascist oligarchy had progressed far beyond the need
for patsies like Oswald. They were now able, Brussell asserted, to
hypnotically program assassins.
"Satanic cults are the state of the art in brainwashing. With drugs, sex,
and violence, they strip any semblance of moral thought. They are perfect
for use in creating killers. The United States military, Brussell found, was
using them." (27)
NOTES: THE NEW WORLD (DIS)ORDER
- One Thousand Americans, George Seldes, p. 5-6
- The Secret War Against the Jews, Loftus and Aarons, p. 71
- Ibid., pp. 73-74
- Ibid., pp. 75-76
- Ibid., p. 77
- Ibid., p. 78
- Ibid., pp. 79-80
- Ibid., pp. 82-83
- Ibid., pp. 84-85
- Ibid., pp. 85-86
- Tragedy and Hope, Prof. Carrol Quigley, p. 827
- Secret War Against the Jews, pp. 100-102
- The American Establishment, Leonard and Mark Silk, p. 249
- The New Germany and the Old Nazis, T.H. Tetens, pp. 99-102
- Blowback: America's recruitment of Nazis and its effects on the Cold
War, Christopher Simpson, pp. 191-192
- The New Germany and the Old Nazis, p. 103
- Ibid., pp. 112-113
- Blowback, pp. 40-41
- The New Germany and the Old Nazis, pp. 42-43
- Blowback, pp. 54-55
- Unholy Trinity, Mark Aarons and John Loftus, pp. 151-152
- The Secret War Against the Jews, pp. 135-136
- Ibid., pp. 151-152
- Blowback, p. 159
- Ibid., pp. 187-189
- Ibid., pp. 192-193
- Conspiracies, Cover-ups and Crimes, Jonathan Vankin, pp. 101-104
RICHARD MILHOUSE NIXON
In this section we will explore the Nazi connections of Richard Nixon. To
do so we must return to the years just after the end of World War II and, of
course, a man named Dulles.
The irony of Nixon's political career ending with a cover-up can only be
appreciated with the knowledge that this turbulent career also began with
one. Loftus and Aarons state that:
"According to several of our sources among the 'old spies,' Richard
Nixon's political career began in 1945, when he was the navy officer
temporarily assigned to review . . . captured Nazi documents." The documents
in question revealed the wartime record of Karl Blessing, "former Reichsbank
officer and then head of the Nazi oil cartel, Kontinentale Ol A.G. 'Konti'
was in partnership with Dulles's principal Nazi client, I.G. Farben. Both
companies had despicable records regarding their treatment of Jews during
the Holocaust. After the war Dulles not only 'lost' Blessings Nazi party
records, but he helped peddle a false biography in the ever-gullible 'New
York Times.'"
The authors' sources reveal that not only did Dulles help cover up his
Nazi client's record, he "personally vouched for Blessing as an anti-Nazi in
order to protect continued control of German oil interests in the Middle
East. Blessing's Konti was the Nazi link to Iben Saud [King of Saudi Arabia]
and Aramco [the Arabian- American Oil Company]. If Blessing went down, he
could have taken a lot of people with him, including Allen Dulles. The
cover-up worked, except that U.S. Naval Intelligence scrutinized a set of
the captured Konti records."
According to the "old spies," Allen Dulles made a deal with the young
navy officer who was reviewing the Konti files - Richard Nixon. Nixon would
help Dulles bury the Konti files. In return, Allen Dulles "arranged to
finance [Nixon's] first congressional campaign against Jerry Voorhis." (1)
Dulles's support for Nixon paid off in 1947 when, as the freshman
congressman from California, he "saved John Foster Dulles considerable
embarrassment by privately pointing out that confidential government files
showed that one of Foster's foundation employees, Alger Hiss, was allegedly
a Communist. The Dulles brothers took Nixon under their wing and escorted
him on a tour of Fascist 'freedom fighter' operations in Germany, apparently
in anticipation that the young congressman would be useful after Dewey
became president." [He would be useful anyway, despite the fact that
incumbent President Truman won reelection in 1948, defeating Dewey.] (2)
After Truman's victory, write the authors, "Nixon became Allen Dulles's
mouthpiece in Congress. Both he and Senator Joseph McCarthy received volumes
of classified information to support the charge that the Truman
administration was filled with 'pinkos.' When McCarthy went too far in his
Communist investigations, it was Nixon who worked with his next-door
neighbor, CIA director Bedell Smith, to steer the investigations away from
the intelligence community.
"The CIA was grateful for Nixon's assistance, but did not know the
reason for it. Dulles had been recruiting Nazis under the cover of the
State Department's Office of Policy Coordination, whose chief, Frank
Wisner, had systematically recruited the Eastern European emigre
networks that had worked first for the SS, then the British, and finally
Dulles.
"The CIA did not know it, but Dulles was bringing them to the United
States less for intelligence purposes than for political advantage. The
Nazis' job quickly became to get out the vote for the Republicans. One
Israeli intelligence officer joked that when Dulles used the phrase
'Never Again,' he was not talking about the Holocaust but about Dewey's
narrow loss to Truman. In the eyes of the Israelis, Allen Dulles was the
demon who infected Western intelligence with Nazi recruits.
"In preparation for the 1952 Eisenhower-Nixon campaign, the
Republicans formed an Ethnic Division, which, to put it bluntly,
recruited the 'displaced Fascists' who arrived in the United States
after World War II. Like similar migrant organizations in several
Western countries, the Ethnic Division attracted a significant number of
Central and Eastern European Nazis, who had been recruited by the SS as
political and police leaders during the Holocaust. These Fascist emigres
supported the Eisenhower-Nixon 'liberation' policy as the quickest means
of getting back into power in their former homelands and made a
significant contribution 'in its first operation (1951/1952).'"
The authors point out that "over the years the Democrats had acquired one
or two Nazis of their own, such as Tscherim Soobzokov, a former member of
the Caucasian SS who worked as a party boss in New Jersey. But in 90 percent
of the cases, the members of Hitler's political organization went to the
Republicans. In fact, from the very beginning, the word had been put around
among Eastern European Nazis that Dulles and Nixon were the men to see,
especially if you were a rich Fascist . . ." (3)
This relationship between Richard Nixon and the Nazis developed because
both he and Allen Dulles "blamed Governor Dewey's razor-thin loss to Truman
in the 1948 presidential election on the Jewish vote. When [Nixon] became
Eisenhower's vice president in 1952, Nixon was determined to build his own
ethnic base.
"Vice President Nixon's secret political war of Nazis against Jews in
American politics was never investigated at the time. The foreign
language-speaking Croatian and other Fascist emigre groups had a
ready-made network for contacting and mobilizing the Eastern European
ethnic bloc. There is a very high correlation between CIA domestic
subsidies to Fascist 'freedom fighters' during the 1950s and the
leadership of the Republican party's ethnic campaign groups. The motive
for under-the-table financing was clear: Nixon used Nazis to offset the
Jewish vote for the Democrats.
"In 1952 Nixon had formed an Ethnic Division within the Republican
National Committee. 'Displaced Fascists, hoping to be returned to power
by an Eisenhower-Nixon "liberation" policy signed on' with the
committee. In 1953, when Republicans were in office, the immigration
laws were changed to admit Nazis, even members of the SS. They flooded
into the country. Nixon himself oversaw the new immigration program. As
vice president, he even received Eastern European Fascists in the White
House. After a long, long journey, the Croatian Nazis had found a new
home in the United States, where they reestablished their networks.
"In 1968 Nixon promised that if he won the presidential election, he
would create a permanent ethnic council within the Republican party.
Previously the Ethnic Division was allowed to surface only during
presidential campaigns. Nixon's promise was carried out after the 1972
election, during [George] Bush's tenure as chairman of the Republican
National Committee. The Croatian Ustashis became an integral part of the
campaign structure of Republican politics, along with several other
Fascist organizations." (4)
The authors describe Nixon's pro-Nazi activities in no uncertain terms:
"Nixon himself personally recruited ex-Nazis for his 1968 presidential
campaign. Moreover, Vice President Nixon became the point man for the
Eisenhower administration on covert operations and personally supervised
Allen Dulles's projects while Ike was ill in 1956 and 1957." (5)
One of the Nazis recruited by candidate Nixon was Laszlo Pasztor,
described by Aarons and Loftus as "the founding chair of Nixon's Republican
Heritage Groups council" who, "during World War II . . . was a diplomat in
Berlin representing the Arrow Cross government of Nazi Hungary, which
supervised the extermination of the Jewish population.
"[A]fter Nixon won [the 1968 Presidential Election], he approved
Pasztor's appointment as chief organizer of the ethnic council. Not
surprisingly, Pasztor's 'choices for filling emigre slots as the council
was being formed included various Nazi collaborationist organizations.'
The former Fascists were coming out of the closet in droves.
"The policy of the Nixon White House was an 'open door' for emigre
Fascists, and through the door came such guests as Ivan Docheff, head of
the Bulgarian National Front and chairman of the American Friends of the
Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations (ABN). . . . an organization dominated by
war criminals and fugitive Fascists. Yet Nixon welcomed them with open
arms and even had Docheff to breakfast for a prayer meeting to celebrate
Captive Nations Week." (6)
"During Nixon's 'Four More Years' campaign in 1971-1972, Laszlo
Pasztor again played a key role in marshaling the ethnic vote. No longer
a marginal player on the fringes, now he held a key position as the
Republican National Committee's nationalities director. . . .
"The Republican leadership cannot claim ignorance as a defense.
[Syndicated Columnist Jack] Anderson's famous expose of Nixon's Nazis
appeared in 'The Washington Post' at the same time as the November 1971
convention. Among those mentioned was Laszlo Pasztor, 'the industrious
head of the GOP ethnic groups, [who] was never asked about his wartime
activities in Hungary by the four GOP officials who interviewed him for
his job.' It was too embarrassing for Nixon to admit that Pasztor had
been a ranking member of a Fascist government at war with the United
States.
". . . . It is one thing to promote obscure Eastern European Fascist
movements in the Republican party. It is quite another to let the German
Nazis have a major influence. After 1953, the Republican administration
changed the rules, and even members of the Waffen SS could immigrate to
the United States as long as they claimed only to have fought the
Communists on the Eastern Front." (7)
The Republican/Nixon attraction to Nazism was also observed by Robert J.
Groden and Harrison Edward Livingstone, authors of the book, "High Treason,"
dealing with the Kennedy Assassination. Groden and Livingstone write: "Nixon
surrounded himself with what was known as the Berlin Wall, a long succession
of advisors with Germanic names: We recall at the top of his 'German General
Staff' as it was also known, Haldeman, Erlichman, Krogh, Kliendienst,
Kissinger (the Rockefellers' emissary) and many others.
"The selection of German names was no accident. Many of the brighter
staff people close to Nixon came to him from the University of Southern
California, and the University of California at Los Angeles, where there
were fraternities that kept alive the vision of a new Reich. America has
for a long time harbored this dark side of its character, one of
violence and the Valhalla of Wagner and Hitler.
"But Gordon Liddy was the one in whose mind 'Triumph of the Will' was
the most alive. Some of these men would watch the great Nazi propaganda
films in the basement of the White House until all hours of the night,
and drink, in fact, get drunk with their power, with blind ambition, as
one of them wrote." (8)
"According to several of our sources in the intelligence community
who were in a position to know," continue Loftus and Aarons, "the secret
rosters of the Republican party's Nationalities Council read like a
Who's Who of Fascist fugitives. The Republican's Nazi connection is the
darkest secret of the Republican leadership. The rosters will never be
disclosed to the public. As will be seen in Chapter 16 dealing with
George Bush, the Fascist connection is too widespread for damage
control.
"According to a 1988 study by Russ Bellant of Political Research
Associates, virtually all of the Fascist organizations of World War II
opened up a Republican party front group during the Nixon
administration. The caliber of the Republican ethnic leaders can be
gauged by one New Jersey man, Emanuel Jasiuk, a notorious mass murderer
from what is today called the independent nation of Belarus, formerly
part of the Soviet Union. But not all American ethnic communities are
represented in the GOP's ethnic section; there are no black or Jewish
heritage groups. . . .
"The truth is that the Nazi immigrants were 'tar babies' that no one
knew how to get rid of. Dulles had brought in a handful of the top
emigre politicians in the late 1940s. They in turn sponsored their
friends in the 1950s. By the 1960s ex-Nazis who had originally fled to
Argentina were moving to the United States. . . ." (9)
It is clear that, even before the break-in at the Democratic Party
Headquarters on June 17, 1972, the Republicans were on the brink of having
their pro-Nazi activities over the past four decades become a matter of
mass-media attention. After the Watergate Break-in, as the Congressional
Hearings began to reveal the slush-funds, money-laundering, illegal
corporate campaign contributions, the political sabotage of the 1972
Presidential election process, the involvement of ITT and the Nixon
Administration into the assassination of Salvador Allende, the
democratically elected president of Chile, and many other aspects of
Nixonism, the floodgates of truth were about to open. Only one thing averted
this wholesale learning of the truth by the American people: Nixon's
resignation and subsequent pardoning by his hand-picked successor, Gerald
Ford.
NOTES: RICHARD MILHOUSE NIXON
- The Secret War Against the Jews, p. 221
- Ibid., pp. 221-222
- Ibid., pp. 222-223
- Ibid., pp. 122-123
- Ibid., pp. 224-225
- Ibid., pp. 297-298
- Ibid., pp. 298-299
- High Treason, Robert J. Groden and Harrison Edward Livingstone, pp.
417-418
- The Secret War Against the Jews, pp. 300-301
GEORGE HERBERT WALKER BUSH
Like Richard Nixon, George Bush was a strong anti-marijuana/hemp
president, escalating the so-called "war on drugs" begun by Nixon. And, like
Nixon, George Bush was deeply involved with supporting the Nazis in the
Republican's closet. In fact, support for the Nazis was a Bush family
tradition which goes back more than six decades and, once again, to Allen
Dulles.
Loftus and Aarons write: "The real story of George Bush starts well
before he launched his own career. It goes back to the 1920s, when the
Dulles brothers and the other pirates of Wall Street were making their deals
with the Nazis. . . ."
THE
BUSH-DULLES-NAZI CONNECTION
"George Bush's problems were inherited from his namesake and maternal
grandfather, George Herbert 'Bert' Walker, a native of St. Louis, who
founded the banking and investment firm of G. H. Walker and Company in
1900. Later the company shifted from St. Louis to the prestigious
address of 1 Wall Street. . . .
"Walker was one of Hitler's most powerful financial supporters in the
United States. The relationship went all the way back to 1924, when
Fritz Thyssen, the German industrialist, was financing Hitler's infant
Nazi party. As mentioned in earlier chapters, there were American
contributors as well.
"Some Americans were just bigots and made their connections to
Germany through Allen Dulles's firm of Sullivan and Cromwell because
they supported Fascism. The Dulles brothers, who were in it for profit
more than ideology, arranged American investments in Nazi Germany in the
1930s to ensure that their clients did well out of the German economic
recovery. . . .
"Sullivan & Cromwell was not the only firm engaged in funding
Germany. According to 'The Splendid Blond Beast,' Christopher Simpson's
seminal history of the politics of genocide and profit, Brown Brothers,
Harriman was another bank that specialized in investments in Germany.
The key figure was Averill Harriman, a dominating figure in the American
establishment. . . .
"The firm originally was known as W. A. Harriman & Company. The link
between Harriman & Company's American investors and Thyssen started in
the 1920s, through the Union Banking Corporation, which began trading in
1924. In just one three-year period, the Harriman firm sold more than
$50 million of German bonds to American investors. 'Bert' Walker was
Union Banking's president, and the firm was located in the offices of
Averill Harriman's company at 39 Broadway in New York.
"In 1926 Bert Walker did a favor for his new son-in-law, Prescott
Bush. It was the sort of favor families do to help their children make a
start in life, but Prescott came to regret it bitterly. Walker made
Prescott vice president of W. A. Harriman. The problem was that Walker's
specialty was companies that traded with Germany. As Thyssen and the
other German industrialists consolidated Hitler's political power in the
1930s, an American financial connection was needed. According to our
sources, Union Banking became an out-and-out Nazi money-laundering
machine. . . .
"In [1931], Harriman & Company merged with a British-American
investment company to become Brown Brothers, Harriman. Prescott Bush
became one of the senior partners of the new company, which relocated to
59 Broadway, while Union Banking remained at 39 Broadway. But in 1934
Walker arranged to put his son-in-law on the board of directors of Union
Banking.
"Walker also set up a deal to take over the North American operations
of the Hamburg-Amerika Line, a cover for I.G. Farben's Nazi espionage
unit in the United States. The shipping line smuggled in German agents,
propaganda, and money for bribing American politicians to see things
Hitler's way. The holding company was Walker's American Shipping &
Commerce, which shared the offices at 39 Broadway with Union Banking. In
an elaborate corporate paper trail, Harriman's stock in American
Shipping & Commerce was controlled by yet another holding company, the
Harriman Fifteen Corporation, run out of Walker's office. The directors
of this company were Averill Harriman, Bert Walker, and Prescott Bush. .
. .
". . . In a November 1935 article in Common Sense, retired marine
general Smedley D. Butler blamed Brown Brothers, Harriman for having the
U.S. marines act like 'racketeers' and 'gangsters' in order to exploit
financially the peasants of Nicaragua. . . .
". . . A 1934 congressional investigation alleged that Walker's
'Hamburg-Amerika Line subsidized a wide range of pro-Nazi propaganda
efforts both in Germany and the United States.' Walker did not know it,
but one of his American employees, Dan Harkins, had blown the whistle on
the spy apparatus to Congress. Harkins, one of our best sources, became
Roosevelt's first double agent . . . [and] kept up the pretense of being
an ardent Nazi sympathizer, while reporting to Naval Intelligence on the
shipping company's deals with Nazi intelligence.
"Instead of divesting the Nazi money," continue the authors, "Bush
hired a lawyer to hide the assets. The lawyer he hired had considerable
expertise in such underhanded schemes. It was Allen Dulles. According to
Dulles's client list at Sullivan & Cromwell, his first relationship with
Brown Brothers, Harriman was on June 18, 1936. In January 1937 Dulles
listed his work for the firm as 'Disposal of Stan [Standard Oil]
Investing stock.'
"As discussed in Chapter 3, Standard Oil of New Jersey had completed
a major stock transaction with Dulles's Nazi client, I.G. Farben. By the
end of January 1937 Dulles had merged all his cloaking activities into
one client account: 'Brown Brothers Harriman-Schroeder Rock.' Schroeder,
of course, was the Nazi bank on whose board Dulles sat. The 'Rock' were
the Rockefellers of Standard Oil, who were already coming under scrutiny
for their Nazi deals. By May 1939 Dulles handled another problem for
Brown Brothers, Harriman, their 'Securities Custodian Accounts.'
"If Dulles was trying to conceal how many Nazi holding companies
Brown Brothers, Harriman was connected with, he did not do a very good
job. Shortly after Pearl Harbor, word leaked from Washington that
affiliates of Prescott Bush's company were under investigation for
aiding the Nazis in time of war. . . .
". . . The government investigation against Prescott Bush continued.
Just before the storm broke, his son, George, abandoned his plans to
enter Yale and enlisted in the U.S. Army. It was, say our sources among
the former intelligence officers, a valiant attempt by an
eighteen-year-old boy to save the family's honor.
"Young George was in flight school in October 1942, when the U.S.
government charged his father with running Nazi front groups in the
United States. Under the Trading with the Enemy Act, all the shares of
the Union Banking Corporation were seized, including those held by
Prescott Bush as being in effect held for enemy nationals. Union
Banking, of course, was an affiliate of Brown Brothers, Harriman, and
Bush handled the Harrimans' investments as well.
"Once the government had its hands on Bush's books, the whole story
of the intricate web of Nazi front corporations began to unravel. A few
days later two of Union Banking's subsidiaries -- the Holland American
Trading Corporation and the Seamless Steel Equipment Corporation -- also
were seized. Then the government went after the Harriman Fifteen Holding
Company, which Bush shared with his father-in-law, Bert Walker, the
Hamburg-Amerika Line, and the Silesian-American Corporation. The U.S.
government found that huge sections of Prescott Bush's empire had been
operated on behalf of Nazi Germany and had greatly assisted the German
war effort." (1)
EDWIN PAULEY
"Try as he did," continue the authors, "George Bush could not get
away from Dulles's crooked corporate network, which his grandfather and
father had joined in the 1920s. Wherever he turned, George found that
the influence of the Dulles brothers was already there. Even when he
fled to Texas to become a successful businessman on his own, he ran into
the pirates of Wall Street.
"One of Allen Dulles's secret spies inside the Democratic party later
became George Bush's partner in the Mexican oil business. Edwin Pauley,
a California oil man, was . . . one of Dulles's covert agents in the
Roosevelt and Truman administrations . . . a 'big business' Democrat. .
. ."
Among the key posts held by Pauley were: treasurer of the Democratic
National Committee, director of the Democratic convention in 1944 and, after
Truman's election, Truman appointed him the "Petroleum Coordinator of
Lend-Lease Supplies for the Soviet Union and Britain."
Just after the end of World War II, "in April 1945 Truman appointed
Pauley as the U.S. representative to the Allied Reparations Committee, with
the rank of ambassador," as well as "industrial and commercial advisor to
the Potsdam Conference, 'where his chief task was to renegotiate the
reparations agreements formulated at Yalta.' As one historian noted, the
'oil industry has always watched reparations activities carefully.' There
was a lot of money involved, and much of it belonged to the Dulles brothers'
clients."
At the same time, report Loftus and Aarons,
"the Dulles brothers were still shifting Nazi assets out of Europe
for their clients as well as for their own profit. They didn't want the
Soviets to get their hands on these assets or even know that they
existed. Pauley played a significant role in solving this problem for
the Dulles brothers. The major part of Nazi Germany's industrial assets
was located in the zones occupied by the West's forces. As Washington's
man on the ground, Pauley managed to deceive the Soviets for long enough
to allow Allen Dulles to spirit much of the remaining Nazi assets out to
safety. . . .
"Pauley, a key player in the plan to hide the Dulles brothers' Nazi
assets, then moved into another post where he could help them further.
After successfully keeping German assets in Fascist hands, Pauley was
given the job of 'surveying Japan's assets and determining the amount of
its war debt.' Again, it was another job that was crucial to the Dulles
clique's secret financial and intelligence operations." (2)
After Pauley retired from government work he went back to being an
independent oil man. Loftus and Aarons state that: "In 1958 he founded
Pauley Petroleum which: . . . teamed up with Howard Hughes to expand oil
production in the Gulf of Mexico.
"Pauley Petroleum discovered a highly productive offshore petroleum
reserve and in 1959 became involved in a dispute with the Mexican
Government, which considered the royalties from the wells to be too low.
"According to our sources in the intelligence community, the oil
dispute was really a shakedown of the CIA by Mexican politicians. Hughes
and Pauley were working for the CIA from time to time, while advancing
their own financial interests in the lucrative Mexican oil fields.
Pauley, say several of our sources, was the man who invented an
intelligence money-laundering system in Mexico, which was later refined
in the 1970s as part of Nixon's Watergate scandal. At one point CIA
agents used Pemex, the Mexican government's oil monopoly, as a business
cover at the same time Pemex was being used as a money laundry for
Pauley's campaign contributions. As we shall see, the Mexican-CIA
connection played an important part in the development of George Bush's
political and intelligence career. . . .
"Pauley, say the 'old spies,' was the man who brought all the threads
of the Mexican connection together. He was Bush's business associate, a
front man for Dulles's CIA [Allen Dulles was CIA director then], and
originator of the use of Mexican oil fronts to create a slush fund for
Richard Nixon's various campaigns. . . .
"Although it is not widely known, Pauley, in fact, had been a
committed, if 'secret,' Nixon supporter since 1960. It should be
recalled that Nixon tried to conceal his Mexican slush fund during the
Watergate affair by pressuring the CIA into a 'national security'
cover-up. The CIA, to its credit, declined to participate.
Unfortunately, others were so enmeshed in Pauley's work for Nixon that
they could never extricate themselves. According to a number of our
intelligence sources, the deals Bush cut with Pauley in Mexico
catapulted him into political life. In 1960 Bush became a protege of
Richard Nixon, who was then running for president of the United States.
. . .
"The most intriguing of Bush's early connections was to Richard
Nixon, who as vice president had supervised Allen Dulles's covert
planning for the Bay of Pigs [invasion]. For years it has been rumored
that Dulles's client, George Bush's father, was one of the Republican
leaders who recruited Nixon to run for Congress and later convinced
Eisenhower to take him on as vice president. There is no doubt that the
two families were close. George Bush described Nixon as his 'mentor.'
Nixon was a Bush supporter in his very first tilt at politics, during
his unsuccessful run for the Senate in 1964, and turned out again when
he entered the House two years later.
"After Nixon's landslide victory in 1972, he ordered a general house
cleaning on the basis of loyalty. 'Eliminate everyone,' he told John
Ehrlichman about reappointments, 'except George Bush. Bush will do
anything for our cause.' . . . According to Bush's account, the
president told him that 'the place I really need you is over at the
National Committee running things.' So, in 1972, Nixon appointed George
Bush as head of the Republican National Committee.
"It was Bush who fulfilled Nixon's promise to make the 'ethnic'
emigres a permanent part of Republican politics. In 1972 Nixon's State
Department spokesman confirmed to his Australian counterpart that the
ethnic groups were very useful to get out the vote in several key
states. Bush's tenure as head of the Republican National Committee
exactly coincided with Laszlo Pasztor's 1972 drive to transform the
Heritage Groups Council into the party's official ethnic arm. The groups
Pasztor chose as Bush's campaign allies were the emigre Fascists whom
Dulles had brought to the United States. . . .
". . . Nearly twenty years later, and after expose's in several
respectable newspapers, Bush continued to recruit most of the same
ethnic Fascists, including Pasztor, for his own 1988 ethnic outreach
program when he first ran for president.
"According to our sources in the intelligence community," state the
authors, "it was Bush who told Nixon that the Watergate investigations
might start uncovering the Fascist skeletons in the Republican party's
closet. Bush himself acknowledges that he wrote Nixon a letter asking
him to step down. The day after Bush did so, Nixon resigned.
"Bush had hoped to become Gerald Ford's vice president upon Nixon's
resignation, but he was appointed U.S. ambassador to the UN. Nelson
Rockefeller became vice president and chief damage controller. He formed
a special commission in an attempt to preempt the Senate's investigation
of the intelligence community. The Rockefeller Commission into CIA
abuses was filled with old OPC [Dulles's Office of Policy Coordination]
hands like Ronald Reagan, who had been the front man back in the 1950s
for the money-laundering organization, the Crusade for Freedom, which
was part of Dulles's Fascist 'freedom fighters' program." (3)
In 1988, Project Censored, a news media censorship research organization,
awarded the honor of "Top Censored story" to the subject of George Bush. The
article revealed "how the major mass media ignored, overlooked or
undercovered at least ten critical stories reported in America's alternative
press that raised serious questions about the Republican candidate, George
Bush, dating from his reported role as a CIA 'asset' in 1963 to his
Presidential campaign's connection with a network of anti-Semites with Nazi
and fascist affiliations in 1988." (4)
NOTES: GEORGE HERBERT WALKER BUSH
- The Secret War Against the Jews, pp. 357-361
- Ibid., pp. 362-364
- Ibid., pp. 365-371
- The 1993 Project Censored Yearbook: The News That Didn't Make The
News - And Why, Project Censored; Dr. Carl Jensen, Director., pp. 230.
CONCLUSION
If, before you finished reading this publication, you ever wondered why
the U.S. federal government refuses to consider the medicinal and industrial
value of cannabis hemp, despite widespread and growing support from the
public, medical experts, industry leaders, and a growing number of state
legislators across this nation . . . you now have the answer.
For
the past several generations, Americans have been systematically deceived
about the true nature of cannabis hemp. Many Americans have died - victims
of political murders. Millions have been imprisoned, their children and
their property taken away, their futures destroyed. The history of my own
state - Kentucky - and others as well, have been "sanitized," rewritten, our
heritage deleted, our citizens defrauded and impoverished to bury the truth.
And if, before you finished reading this publication, you ever wondered
why the U.S. federal government would train and finance Central American
death squads; or why, while waging the so-called "war on drugs," the U.S.
federal government would operate cocaine and heroin smuggling operations
around the world, bringing in tons of drugs to places like Mena, Arkansas;
or why the U.S. federal government would "spread democracy" throughout the
world by assassinating democratically elected politicians - both at home and
abroad - replacing them with right-wing dictators and training their secret
police in the latest techniques of torture, terrorism, and mind control; or
why the U.S. federal government would conduct deadly medical and radiation
experiments on unsuspecting citizens - including pregnant women, the
mentally impaired, and children . . . you now have the answer.
The last question is "what are we going to do about it?"
BIBLIOGRAPHY (By section)
INTRODUCTION
- The Irony of Democracy: An Uncommon Introduction to American
Politics - Second Edition, By Thomas R. Dye and
L. Harmon Zeigler - Duxbury Press, CA. 1972
- The Arms Bazaar: From Lebanon to Lockheed - By Anthony
Sampson - The Viking Press, NY. 1977
U. S. CORPORATIONS AND THE NAZIS
- Facts and Fascism - By George Seldes (Assisted by
Helen Seldes) - Sixth Edition - In Fact, Inc., NY. 1943
- Trading with the Enemy: An Expose of the Nazi-American Money
Plot 1933-1949 - By Charles Higham - Delecorte Press,
NY. 1983
- Even the Gods Can't Change History: The Facts Speak for
Themselves - By George Seldes - Lyle Stuart, Inc., NJ.
1976
- Power, Inc.: Public and Private Rulers and How to Make Them
Accountable - By Morton Mintz & Jerry S. Cohen
- Viking Press, NY. 1976
- The Plot to Seize the White House - By Jules Archer
- Hawthorn Books, 1973
- It's A Conspiracy!: The Shocking Truth About America's Favorite
Conspiracy Theories - By Michael Litchfield/The National
Insecurity Council - EarthWorks Press, CA. 1992
- The Secret War Against The Jews: How Western Espionage Betrayed
The Jewish People - By John Loftus and Mark
Aarons - St. Martin's Press, NY. 1994
- HEMP & the Marijuana Conspiracy: The Emperor Wears No Clothes -
By Jack Herer (Editors: C. Conrad, L. & J. Osburn,
E. Komp , and J. Stout)
- H.E.M.P. (Help Eliminate Marijuana Prohibition), CA. 1995
- One Thousand Americans - By George Seldes - BONI &
GAER, NY. 1947
- Ain't Nobody's Business If You Do: The Absurdity of Consentual
Crimes in a Free Society - By Peter McWilliams -
Prelude Press, CA. 1993
- A History of the Hemp Industry in Kentucky - By Professor
James F. Hopkins - University of Kentucky Press, Lexington,
KY. 1951
- Spooks: The Haunting of America - The Private Use of Secret
Agents - By Jim Hougan - First Bantam Edition - William
Morrow and Co., NY. 1979
- The Sovereign State of ITT - By Anthony Sampson -
Stein and Day, NY. 1973
- Democracy for the Few - By Michael Parenti - Fourth
Edition - St. Martin's Press, NY. 1983
THE NEW WORLD (DIS)ORDER
- Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our Time - By
Carroll Quigley, Second Printing - Wm. Morrison, NY. 1974
- The American Establishment - By Leonard Silk &
Mark Silk, First Discus Printing - Avon Books (by
arrangement with Basic Books), NY. 1981
- The New Germany and the Old Nazis - By T.H. Tetens
- Random House, NY. 1961
- Blowback: America's Recruitment of Nazi's and Its Effect on the
Cold War - By Christopher Simpson - Weidenfeld &
Nicolson, NY. 1988
- Unholy Trinity: The Vatican, the Nazis, and Soviet Intelligence
- By Mark Aarons & John Loftus, First U.S.
Edition - St. Martin's Press, NY. 1992
- Conspiracies, Cover-Ups and Crimes: From JFK to the CIA
Terrorist Connection - By Jonathan Vankin - Bantam
Doubleday Dell Publishing Group, Inc., NY. 1992
RICHARD MILHOUSE NIXON
- High Treason: The Assassination of President John F. Kennedy and
the New Evidence of Conspiracy - By Robert J. Groden
and Harrison Edward Livingstone, Berkley Edition -
Berkley Books, NY. 1990
GEORGE HERBERT WALKER BUSH
- Censored: The News That Didn't Make the News - And Why - By
Carl Jensen - Shelburne Press, Inc., NY. 1993
http://web.archive.org/web/20041009183119/www.sumeria.net/politics/shadv3.html
Dedicated to the principals of an open
discussion of the issues.
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Copy and distribute freely. Please credit
direct quotations where appropriate.
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R. William Davis - Founder and Director,
The Elkhorn Project
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"Restoring Kentucky's Proud Heritage and
Bright Future"
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All email responses should be directed to:
randy@ka.net
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Hemp for Victory!
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Thank you
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